The Unification Church and the KCIA – ‘Privatizing’ covert action: the case of the UC
from Lobster, May 1991
Dr. Jeffrey M. Bale
He is a Faculty Professor in the Graduate School of International Policy and Management at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies (MIIS) LINK
‘You don’t investigate people for why they think but for what they do.’
– former Attorney General Benjamin Civiletti (1)
Introduction
If nothing else, the Iran-Contra scandal temporarily illuminated the extent to which ostensibly private organizations have been helping secretive elements within the American government – in this case the core of the executive branch’s national security bureaucracy – to circumvent Congressional restrictions regarding the conduct of certain important aspects of U.S. foreign policy. Information that has surfaced in the course of both official and unofficial investigations of this affair has not only revealed the widespread use of ‘proprietaries’ and dummy companies by U.S. intelligence and military personnel – a long-standing practice – but also the fact that numerous formally independent organizations have willingly engaged in operations that were blatantly illegal, not to mention immoral. (2) In a few instances this aid may have been provided solely for financial or narrow political gain, but in most cases it also resulted from a convergence of the rightist political aims of both the ‘private’ groups and factions within the national security apparatus created by President Ronald Reagan and his advisors. Among the groups that have participated in these activities are the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), the Air Commando Association (ACA), the National Defense Council (NDC), Refugee Relief International (RRI), Civilian Military/Material Assistance (CMA), and Sun-Myung Moon’s cultic Unification Church (UC), to name only a few. (3) Herein I examine some of the covert and clandestine political connections of the last of the above-named organizations.
The vast majority of the existing literature on ‘cults’ falls into one of four categories: journalistic exposes; personal accounts by former members, their relatives, or their friends; social science analyses; or theological assessments. In all of these categories save the last, attention is normally focussed on the techniques used by particular cults to recruit new members and subsequently control their behavior, if not their very thoughts. This focus is somewhat understandable, for it is precisely the systematic use of these techniques – selective recruitment of vulnerable targets, initial deception concerning group affiliation and purposes, extreme forms of peer-group pressure, isolation from mainstream society, sensory overload, sleep and protein deprivation, constant surveillance, enforced lack of privacy, and ideological indoctrination – that serve to set cults apart from more ordinary organizations in modern industrialized societies. (4) And it is precisely because they are so extraordinary that they elicit such widespread personal and professional fascination. Yet this almost exclusive focus tends to distract attention from other potentially significant aspects of cult behavior, including their political interaction with the outside world.
This is especially unfortunate in the case of the Unification Church, or ‘Moonie’ cult. While most cults both engage in disreputable political activities (at least on the local level) and have noticeable totalitarian propensities and ramifications,(5) the UC has long had an explicitly political agenda. As Moon, the Korean evangelist who founded the church, has said, ‘we cannot separate the political field from the religious … segregation between religion and politics is what Satan likes most.’ (6) Given such an orientation, it is clearly necessary to consider Moon’s political activities in order to properly evaluate the role and functioning of the UC.
Many people have examined aspects of Moon’s political work; but they have often done so from an overly traditional political perspective, one which narrowly concerns itself with explicating the Church’s overt attempts to influence political decisions and policies in the countries within which it operates. Thus, for example, Moon’s attempts to support Richard Nixon at the height of the Watergate crisis, raise money for a variety of anti-communist causes, and influence Congressional votes through lobbying are reasonably well known; (7) and due to the extraordinary efforts of the House Subcommittee chaired by former Minnesota Representative Donald Fraser (Democrat), some of the more sordid activities of the ‘Moon Organizations’ have also been exposed to public view.(8) Nevertheless, despite these suggestive and important findings, the general view of the Moonies remains one of either bemused distaste for a bunch of ‘religious kooks’, or, at most, fear of the UC’s purported ‘brainwashing’ abilities. (9) The degree to which Moon has been able to mislead the public and conceal the UC’s authoritarian political agenda behind a religious image – however ‘heretical’ or unconventional – is best exemplified by the amount of support he has garnered from mainstream church spokesmen in the wake of his prosecution for tax fraud. Even liberal and left-leaning ministers, as well as certain American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) officials, have adopted his view that his incarceration for illegal financial activities was a case of ‘religious persecution’.(10)
To counter this deceptive imagery, which is sustained by systematic and extensive propaganda of the most transparent sort, some of the lesser-known political activities of the organizational complex run by Moon and his right-hand man, ‘former’ Korean Army colonel Bo-Hi Pak, (11) must be sketched. It should then become clearer that Moon’s actions geared towards external social control, backed as they are by extensive economic and political resources, constitute the most serious threat posed by the UC. When compared to this external danger, the internal social control mechanism of the ‘Moonie’ cult pale into insignificance – except, of course, to the individuals it recruits and subjects to ‘thought reform’.(12)
In this study I will only cover two of Moon’s many covert political operations. First, the links between the UC and the South Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) will be explored. This will necessarily involve a discussion of the early history and structural features of both organizations, particularly the establishment of joint front groups. Second, the intimate connection between the UC and the World Anti-Communist League, an international umbrella organization encompassing numerous extreme right and neo-Nazi groups, will be revealed. Both of these interconnections are indicative of Moon’s authoritarian political agenda, but they by no means exhaust the range of UC covert and clandestine operations.
The Unification Church-Korean Central Intelligence Agency connection
Of the topics to be covered herein, the links between the UC and the repressive Chung-Hee Park regime in South Korea have received the most publicity. Congressional investigations of the so-called ‘Korea-gate’ scandal, which involved both overt and covert efforts by the Republic of Korea (ROK) government to manipulate U.S. policy toward Korea, generated hundreds of articles throughout the world. Yet despite all the media attentions and the thousands of pages of Congressional hearings, the precise nature of those links remains difficult to untangle. One reason for this is that the House Subcommittee’s data are incomplete in some crucial areas; another is that sensationalized media accounts often suggested more than the evidence warranted. I do not pretend to definitively answer all of these questions below, but I hope to clear up some of the major misunderstandings that have arisen about Moon’s relationship with the Park regime.
Perhaps the best starting point is provided by the rash of eye-opening newspaper articles that appeared in mid-March of 1978, which the following headline in the 16 March Washington Star perfectly summarized: ‘Moon’s Church Founded by Korean CIA Chief as Political Tool, Panel Says’. These articles were all based on an unevaluated U.S. CIA report released by the Fraser Subcommittee and dated 26 February 1963. This report stated that ‘Kim Jong Pil organized the Unification Church while he was director of the ROK Central Intelligence Agency, and has been using the church, which had a membership of 27,000, as a political tool.’(13) This has been interpreted by some conspiratorially-minded people to mean that the UC was founded by the KCIA as a bogus front group. This is obviously false since, as will soon become clear, the UC has formally existed since 1954 and in fact predates that year in some form by almost a decade.(14) But this fact alone does not absolve the UC, for it does not vitiate the second claim regarding the KCIA’S ‘use’ of Moon’s organization.
In the beginning
To come to grips with this issue, the social and political context within which the UC developed must be considered. When World War 2 ended, the Korean peninsula was in a state of political confusion, social disruption and economic chaos.(15) The lifting of the repressive hand of the Japanese colonial administration, the traumatic division of the country into communist and non-communist halves, and the underdeveloped condition of the economy (particularly in the south) combined to create a psychological climate of insecurity and desperation. In such conditions, millenarian religious movements tend to flourish, and indeed numerous ‘Newly Risen religions’ (Shinhung Jonggyo) arose throughout Korea in the decade following Japan’s surrender. (16) These religions were characterized by charismatic leadership; syncretistic beliefs which combined ancestor worship, Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism, magic, divination, astrology, Christianity and shamanism; extreme nationalism which might take political forms; and this-worldly attempts to create an ideal society in which ‘no poverty or social classes will exist and the thoughts of all men will be uniform….. All the world will become one true family’. (17) This earthly orientation and the promise of success in the here and now led these movements to emphasize organization and business acumen along with fervor and discipline.(18) All of these characteristics were to apply to the UC as it developed.
With this background, it is possible to place the early history of the UC and its founder in its proper milieu. As Rudiger Hauth has pointed out, the accounts of Moon’s early life are ‘a mixture of legend, truth, fantasy and saint-worship’.(19) Nevertheless, the basic outlines of Moon’s career can be reconstructed. (20) He was born on 6 January 1920 in a rural province of northwest Korea called P’yong’an Pul-do. His family converted to a millenarian brand of Presbyterianism when he was ten. Upon finishing at a technical high school in Seoul, he studied electrical engineering at [evening classes at a Technical High School associated with] Waseda University in Japan [ref. Michael Breen, et al], though it is unclear whether he officially graduated. (21) [He did graduate from the High School on Sept 30, 1943. He did not graduate from Waseda University because he did not study there. During the day he was working to pay his way through school.] When the war ended in 1945 [he was working in Seoul], he returned to northern Korea [for a short visit] and attempted to found a small community church near Pyongyang, without much success. He then [in October 1945] joined a mystical sect in the southern Korean province of Kyong Ki-do called Israel Suo-won [led by Baek-moon Kim], whose tenets foreshadowed both his later theological principles, particularly in their emphasis upon the imminent appearance of a Korean messiah, and his ritual practice of ‘blood purification’ via sexual intercourse (pikareum). (22) Six months later [in June 1946] he returned to Pyongyang and began preaching, but complaints about his missionary practices (including pikareum) by other, established religious groups led first to his excommunication [from the Presbyterian Church in 1948] and then to two arrests by the North Korean authorities, [the first in August 1946,] the second of which occurred on 22 February 1948. (23) The charges against him are alternately listed as adultery and polygamy, or – according to one ‘official’ UC source – espionage; (24) but in any case he was incarcerated at Heung-nam prison camp until being freed by advancing United Nations troops on 14 October 1950. He then travelled by ship [Ref Michael Breen, Sun Myung Moon, the early years, et al. The corroborated narrative is that he walked, with a communist friend, Jong-bin Moon, to Pyongyang. From there he walked to Seoul with two disciples, Chung-hwa Pak and Won-pil Kim, and then on] to the South Korean port of Busan [arriving only with Won-pil Kim], where he performed manual labor and initiated new missionary activities.
▲ This is a map drawn by Chung-hwa Pak of the journey he, Won-pil Kim and Sun Myung Moon made from Pyongyang to South Korea. Pak separated from Kim and Moon in Kyongju where he stayed for more than two years; the other two continued on to Busan, arriving there on January 27, 1951
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After gathering a small circle of followers, he moved his parish to Seoul. In May of 1954, he officially founded a religious association called T’ong-il Kyo (Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity). This later became known as the Unification Church.
Once ensconced in Seoul, Moon concentrated his recruiting efforts on the university community and drew most of his converts from among idealistic students. (25) His fervor and occasional successes, e.g. the mass recruitment of six faculty members and forty students from the all-female Christian school Ewha [Womans] University, (26) generated widespread publicity and opposition among mainline Protestant church officials; and the complaints of the latter led to his arrest by the South Korean government of Syngman Rhee in 1955. The nature of the charges against him remain a matter of bitter controversy. Some cite unconfirmed intelligence reports to the effect that Moon was again initiating new female church members by means of pikareum, but his followers vehemently deny it and the available evidence is contradictory. (27) As Bromley and Shupe Jr. conclude, ‘a quarter of a century later the truth or falsity of the charges still seems beyond demonstration’. (28) Whatever the case, though the charges were dropped shortly thereafter, the UC and the ROK government maintained a somewhat uneasy relationship until the 1971 coup which brought Major General Chung-Hee Pak to power. (29) Nevertheless, throughout the second half of the 1950s, the UC was able to expand its membership and develop some organizational sophistication.(30)
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▲ Mr. Chung-hwa Pak gave an urgent press conference on October 26, 1993 concerning the publication of his book, The Tragedy of the Six Marys. From left to right: Professor Myeong-hwan Tahk from Seoul (An expert on Korean new religions who has been quoted in media all around the world. He was murdered by a cult member a few months after this photograph was taken.), the Korean lady who translated, Mr. Hyo-min Eu (A founder member of the Unification Church; one of the first 36 couples “blessed” by Moon; he left the UC in the 1970s.), Mr. Chung-hwa Pak, Mr. Atsuo Nakamura (Member of the Japanese parliament, novelist and a very well-known actor.), Professor Asami Sadao of Tohoku Gakuin University in Sendai (He taught there for more than 40 years.) and Yoshifu Arita (At that time he was a well-known journalist. He also later became a member of the Japanese parliament.). Unfortunately the photograph was damaged when it was cut out of the magazine.
All these people knew the facts Mr. Chung-hwa Pak revealed in his book were accurate. They had done their research and knew that Mr. Pak was a brave man for exposing the deceptions of Sun Myung Moon and his organization.
LINK to the article
Chung-hwa Pak interviewed about the “SEX relays” of Sun Myung Moon
The Tragedy of the Six Marys website
Japanese national television report on the publication of The Tragedy of the Six Marys.
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Moon’s theology
Moon’s theological doctrines must now be summarized, for otherwise the UC’s political work cannot be fully explained. The focus of his religious teaching, as revealed in both the UC’s ‘bible’ (the Divine Principle) (31) and the periodic compilations of his speeches (Master Speaks), is on the Fall of Man and the need to restore Man’s original state of perfection.(32) Adam and Eve forfeited their chance to become the ideal parents of a God-centered Mankind, since Eve copulated with Lucifer and thence with Adam. Christ, who was sent by God to restore Man to perfection, failed to accomplish this task in the physical sense since he was prevented from siring a sinless family due to his betrayal by the Jews and subsequent crucification.(33) Because of this partial failure, God was forced to send another Messiah – the Lord of the Second Advent – to bring God and Man into physical harmony again. That Lord is none other than Moon himself.(34) To perform his appointed task, Moon must overcome Satan and create a God-centered human family so as to establish the Kingdom of Heaven on Earth. Put another way, ‘Moon’s primary interest is in unifying the world – religiously, politically, scientifically – around himself as Messiah and [around] his revelation as truth.’(35) Thus, Moon has a megalomaniacal conception of his own role as a divinely-inspired world-wide leader.(36)
If this revision of the Christian concept of Man’s restoration was not placed within a terrestrial context, it would doubtless have little political significance. But like the other ‘New religions’ of Korea and Japan, the UC was from the beginning a movement directed towards this-wordly salvation and improvement.(37) Therefore, it is not surprising that Moon has come to believe that he will not be able to fulfill his mission of restoring Man to physical perfection until he subjugates the earthly satanic forces descending from Cain’s lineage. He came to equate these with atheistic communistic societies through a peculiar theological logic. These societies are dangerous not because they deny God’s providential designs outright, but because they have been established by Lucifer to mimic and thus preempt God’s ideal of a ‘socialist’, i.e. economically democratic, universal human society. (38) Materialistic, ‘scientific’ communism in this way deceitfully constitutes the pseudo-image of a genuine God-centered family. As a result, the Heavenly side and the satanic side have ‘come to dominate the world in their respective ways … the war for the unification of these two worlds must come next’. (39) The third and final world war must be waged on both a material and an ideological level; and, indeed, Moon emphasizes the importance of the latter. This is where his notion of ‘heavenly deception’ comes in. Since Satan’s forces base their success on deception, Moon argues that similar tactics must be employed by the Heavenly side. This serves as a theological justification for the type of obfuscation and deceit that characterize most UC operations. (40) Thus, even from this short summary, one can see that the church’s emphasis on political action is inextricably linked to Moon’s theology.
It may therefore be true, as Alain Woodrow has noted, that the UC is among the ‘most politicized’ of all sects. (41) But given the intrinsic political ramifications of his Manichean religious views, it does not seem wise to claim further that the UC ‘is an essentially political movement with a religious facade’, (42) since such a statement involves a separation between the political and the religious which may well be artificial, and which, indeed, implies that the church’s adoption of a political agenda preceded its religious evangelism in Korea. The latter interpretation can hardly be maintained in view of the evidence that neither Moon nor his theoretical mentor Hyo-Won Eu adopted anti-communist views before the late 1950s, at the very earliest. (43)
We must now turn to the Korean CIA (KCIA). Fortunately, a good deal of information about this organization has been accumulated by the Fraser Subcommittee. (44) The key figure in the establishment and development of the KCIA was Jong-Pil Kim. He was born in Ch’ung Ch’ong province in 1936, graduated from the Korean Army’s Officer Candidate School in its eighth class of 1949, and was immediately assigned to the military intelligence (G-2) staff, where he specialized in counterintelligence and North Korean affairs. (45) Within this secretive milieu, he and other increasingly disaffected younger officers maneuvered for promotions (which were repeatedly delayed), agitated for reform, and eventually began to plot the overthrow of their corrupt superiors. Kim had personally studied coup techniques for some time, and when popular opposition developed during the term of Syngman Rhee and came to a climax under successor Myon Chang, he enlisted the aid of fellow members of the eighth graduate class and Major General Park in his attempt to topple Chang’s weak civilian government. (46) On 16 May 1961, 3500 Marines and paratroopers under their command seized control of Seoul in an almost bloodless coup. The coup leaders immediately declared martial law, dissolved the National Assembly, banned all political activity, and formed a ruling junta known as the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction (SCNR).(47) Despite initial resistance from the U.S. State Department personnel in Korea, the American Government accepted the coup as a fait accompli as soon as they were satisfied that Park and Kim, both of whom had earlier flirted with left-wing causes,(48) had long since become thoroughly pro-American and anti-communist.(49)
The KCIA
Kim officially founded the KCIA on 19 June 1961, and was appointed as its first director. (50) His goal was not only to safeguard the new regime but to create an impregnable power base for himself and the 3000 former G-2 men that constituted its core personnel. (51) Therefore, although the KCIA formally replaced its predecessor under the ousted Myon Chang regime, the Combined Intelligence Research Center, its responsibilities were greatly expanded. The new organization was ‘to supervise and coordinate both international and domestic intelligence activities and criminal investigation by all government agencies, including that of the military’ (52) – i.e. to combine all foreign intelligence and internal security functions in one agency. (53) To accomplish these extensive tasks, its personnel were well-paid and carefully organized into eight Bureaux coordinated by an executive committee. (54) The result, according to expert testimony, was the creation of a ‘state within a state’ (55) that was ‘involved in virtually every aspect of Korean life’. (56) This latter remark is more than rhetorical, for although the KCIA has received the most media attention for its external influence operations in the U.S., its primary function has always been to suppress dissent within South Korea. (57) In its efforts to intimidate the Korean population and eliminate political opposition, it relies upon the standard gamut of secret police techniques, including heavy-handed surveillance, kidnapping, assassination, infiltration, provocation, ‘emergency’ arrest and imprisonment, and both physical and psychological torture. (58) The expanded operational sphere of the KCIA was demonstrated as early as 1962, when Kim supervised the creation of the rigidly-centralized ‘civilian’ Minju Kongwa Tang (Democratic Republican Party, or DRP) for Park and installed himself as party chairman. (59) The persuasiveness and intrusive power of the KCIA in South Korea must therefore be taken into account when examining the UC’s political activities and options.
Now that the backgrounds of the UC and KCIA have been sketched, I shall attempt to clarify aspects of their relationship. Considering Jong-Pil Kim’s conspiratorial brilliance and his success in establishing an extremely powerful coercive apparatus under his direct control, it is not at all hard to imagine that he ‘organized’ – or more likely reorganized – the UC in order to utilize it politically. (60) Even if Moon had been opposed to such an arrangement – and there is little reason to suppose he would have, given his desire to obtain recognition and support from the Korean political establishment – he could not have forcibly prevented it. Therefore, there is every reason to suspect that Moon and Kim made a mutually beneficial ‘gentlemen’s agreement’ whereby the former would be allowed to maintain and even expand his evangelistic and business activities with official approval in return for permitting his revamped church to be used as a ‘cover’ for a variety of KCIA operations. (61) In any arrangement of this type, Kim would obviously have been the dominant party, at least in the early stages. However, as Kim’s own fortunes waxed and waned as a result of factional struggles between his followers and those of his major rivals in the so-called ‘anti-Main Current’ wing of the DRP, (62) Moon – whose organization increasingly established semi-independent power bases in Japan and the U.S. – seems to have seized upon these periodic opportunities to enlarge his own operation’s independence. Even so, the heavy hands of the KCIA and other powerful ROK agencies, including the Counter-Intelligence Corps (KCIC) under Park’s direct control, (63) would have been in a position to forcibly suppress his church’s enterprises in Korea, as indeed they did if only temporarily, in the wake of the ‘Koreagate’ scandal. (64)
This interpretation is not mere speculation. According to the Fraser Subcommittee report, there is ‘a great deal of independent corroboration for the suggestion in [U.S.] intelligence reports that Kim Jong-Pil and the Moon organization carried on a mutually supportive relationship, as well as for the statement that Kim used the UC for political purposes’. (65) Here, my purpose is not to explicate all the ways in which Moon participated in the Korean influence campaign, but only to focus on those particulars that seem to shed some light on the nature of the relations between the UC and KCIA.
KCIA and the Unification Church
One of the earliest clues is provided by four English-speaking ROK Army officers who were close to Jong-Pil Kim and were either members or ‘active sympathizers’ of the UC beginning in the mid-1950s – Sang-Keuk Han (a.k.a. Bud Han), Sang-In Kim (a.k.a. Steve Kim), Sang-Kil Han, and Bo-Hi Pak. (66) The process by which these men became involved with the UC requires some clarification. According to Jean-Francois Boyer, Pak was introduced to the UC by one of Moon’s most brilliant disciples, Young-Oon Kim, who had met the young Colonel at U.S. Army Headquarters in Korea, where both had jobs. Pak quickly became involved with Moon’s group, although he didn’t become an official member until 1957, and it was he who elicited the sympathy and support of the other three officers. (67) This not only made it possible for Moon to gain a foothold within the military, but also seems to have led to his further politicization. (68)
Of these four, Pak is the most important. (69) He was born on 18 August 1930, entered the Korean military academy on 1 June 1950, fought in the Korean War, attended the U.S. Army’s Infantry Training School at Fort Benning, (70) served as liaison to the Chief of the U.S. Advisory Group in Korea at different times between 1953 and 1961, and was assistant military attache at the Washington, D.C. ROK embassy from 1961 to 1964, where he functioned as liaison between the KCIA and the U.S. intelligence agencies. (71) In this latter capacity, he served as one of Jong-Pil Kim’s ‘escorts’ during Kim’s meetings with (U.S.) CIA, National Security Agency and Defence Intelligence Agency officials in 1962. (72) He has long been Moon’s right hand man.
Bud Han was a UC member who was also a personal assistant to Jong-Pil Kim and a translator for Park before becoming an ROK diplomat and, eventually a director of Moon’s major newspaper, the Washington Times. (73)
Steve Kim was a UC supporter who retired from the Army in May of 1961 to join the KCIA, at which point he served as a ‘discrete but effective intermediary’ between the UC and the Park regime. Later he became the liaison man between the KCIA and U.S. CIA, served as Jong-Pil Kim’s translator during the latter’s 1962 visit to America, and ultimately became the head of Moon’s media group, [News] World Communications Inc.(74)
Finally, Sang-Kil Han was a UC sympathizer who served as military attache at the Washington ROK embassy in the late 1960s, a position involving intelligence work, (75) and later became Moon’s personal secretary and the tutor for his children. (76)
Thus, while in the period preceding and following the Park coup, these four officers were excellently placed to broker relations between Jong-Pil Kim and Moon, the precise nature of their loyalty is impossible to determine. Whose ends were they mainly serving? Were they, as Boyer assumes, devoted followers of Moon who were using their military and intelligence positions to proselytize and increase his influence? Were they promoting both Moon’s and Kim’s purposes, which may have been perfectly complementary? Or were they sent by counterintelligence expert Kim to infiltrate the UC and manipulate it for his hidden purposes? This will probably remain a mystery, as there is circumstantial evidence to suggest all three interpretations and not enough hard data to conclusively resolve the issue. For example, Pak has been a described as a ‘model Moonie’ – obedient and absolutely loyal to Moon. (77) Yet his intelligence background cannot be lightly dismissed, and it is noteworthy that Kim’s KCIA was later discovered to be infiltrating operatives into Korean-American churches to monitor and manipulate their activities. (78) All we can say with certainty is that these four played a major role in the early development of relations between the UC and the founders of the KCIA.
However, regardless of the exact nature of these early interactions, there is no doubt that Moon’s fortunes improved dramatically following Park’s coup and Kim’s installation as KCIA director. While other churches in Korea were viewed with suspicion and sometimes even persecuted, (79) the UC benefitted as never before. In October of 1962, Jong-Pil Kim met secretly with UC members in San Francisco and told them ‘he would give their movement political support in Korea, though he could not afford to do so openly’. (80) He soon made good on his promise: shortly thereafter the Korean UC was officially registered as a bona fide church and granted tax exempt status by the Park government. (81) Later still, T’ong-Il Industries – Moon’s first and most important business venture in Korea – was awarded ROK defense contracts to make parts for M-79 grenade launchers, Vulcan anti-aircraft guns, and probably M-16 assault rifles; (82) and the Korean government subsidized T’ong-Il and other UC fronts. (83) Moon has stated that the Korea of the Park regime was ‘a country where, if you want to do well, undoubtedly you should have a blessing from the political sector, especially people in power.’ (84)
But this ‘blessing’ is not bestowed cheaply, and there is no doubt that the UC had to grant the government favors and accede to its demands, the most important of which seems to have been Kim’s desire to use the UC as a ‘cover’ for KCIA operations or, at the very least, to enter into a partnership with the UC in promoting mutually desired anti-communist and pro-Park activities. (85) Since there is no evidence that the UC employed front groups conducive to such operations prior to the early 1960s, my guess is that Moon was pressured into ‘allowing’ Kim to reorganize the UC’s organizational structure for these covert political purposes.
However, serious lacunae [an unfilled space or interval; a gap] in the available data between 1955 and 1965 make it difficult to conclusively demonstrate this. Up to the former year, all indications are that the UC struggled to win new converts and remain financially viable, (86) and under these circumstances one would normally not expect to find a great deal of structural elaboration. Our first real information about UC organization is provided by Chong-Sun Kim, who – presumably on the basis of Korean and Japanese sources – says that Moon had established thirty churches throughout South Korea by July of 1957. (87) In the following year, Moon expended considerable effort to establish new UC branches, both in Korea and abroad. (88) Sang-Ik Choi was authorized to begin missionary work in Japan (89) and Young-Oon Kim was sent overseas to establish new churches. (90) In 1959, a new phase of organizational expansion and transformation occurred. Thirty new ‘evangelical centers’ were established to train his followers, the church becoming more hierarchical and disciplined, and by the end of the year seventy churches had been founded. (91) It is worth noting that all of this expansion and reorganization was after the recruitment of Bo-Hi Pak [in 1958].
The UC in the 1960s
But it was not until the 1960s – after the Park coup – that the UC began to take on its current, highly-elaborate form. According to C-S Kim, a top UC official named Hyo-Won Yu reorganized the church into ‘a communist-type centralized structure comprising numerous Divine Principle indoctrination centers, executive committees, bureaux, sections and cell organizations’. (92) A similar UC structure is described in detail in a 1967 article [LINK to DOC] published by one of Moon’s early associates, Syn-Duk Choi [who joined in 1954 and had left by the early 1960s but had many contacts within the movement] … .(93) Therein she describes an efficient, systematic arrangement involving both an executive headquarters to oversee general, cultural and business affairs, and a pyramidal parish network reaching from the provincial level down through the district, sub-district and village levels to the individual evangelist. (94) She also indicates that the UC had a highly-developed communications system for the transmission of orders and rapid personnel mobilization, a zealous cadre of members absolutely devoted to Moon and willing to undergo high work levels and extreme self-sacrifice, and – perhaps most importantly – a type of cross-cutting arrangement of members into horizontal division by sex and age which, when combined with the territorially-based vertical structures, served to enmesh each member in a complex web of organizational control that severely restricted individual freedom of action. (95) This parallels the cadre-building techniques utilized by the world’s authoritarian Marxist-Leninist parties, (96) and it is therefore hardly surprising when Choi says that ‘the organization of the T’ong-il church is so systematic that one thinks of communists. They pose as ‘heavenly communists’.’ (97) Another point of interest is that UC members ‘cooperated’ with village officials and police personnel on the local level. (98)
The difficulty lies in identifying the true author of this sophisticated organizational framework. One is naturally tempted to ascribe it to the conscious design and action of Jong-Pil Kim, since it seems to conform, in many respects, to the ROK government’s own hierarchical administrative structure. (99) But this may well be a false assumption, since other New Religions in both Korea and Japan had created similarly elaborate arrangements. (100) Did Moon simply copy the hierarchical structure of other New Religions and adapt it for his own purposes, or did Kim later impose it on the UC? Again, it is impossible to say for certain. But it does appear likely that the KCIA chief, who was, after all, an expert on clandestine and covert organizational techniques, introduced Moon to the concept of front groups and perhaps also to the cross-cutting organizational pattern noted above; and it is certain that the post-coup regime helped the UC expand and prosper.
In any case, the final result of this official sponsorship and reorganization is well summarized in the Fraser Subcommittee’s final 1978 report:
’[Moon is] the key figure in an international network of [front] organizations engaged in economic and political as well as religious activities. [It] is essentially one worldwide organization, under the centralized direction and control of Moon…. In the training and use of lower-ranking members, it resembles a paramilitary organization, while in other respects it has the characteristics of a tightly disciplined international political party.’ (101)
This conclusion is corroborated by the testimony of ex-Moonies like Diana Devine, who confirmed that ‘[a]ll members of the UC are used interchangeably in any one of the 60 front organizations, as needed or assigned by Moon’. (102) One is therefore entitled to assume that Kim had a hand in transforming the UC from a semi-communal (albeit disciplined) impoverished, unpopular ‘New Religion’ into a political instrument of such sophistication.
A couple of examples of joint UC-KCIA operations should be delineated for illustrative purposes. One involved the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation (KCFF), reputedly Pak’s brainchild. (103) This organization was formally established in Washington in March 1964, ostensibly to accord honor to Americans who defended and aided Korea, provide for cultural interchanges, and ‘foster a mutuality of understanding, respect and friendship between the citizens of the United States and Korea’. (104) But the KCFF had other, covert agendas. Pak told Robert Roland that the KCFF was a ‘front organization’ which was to be used by Moon to ‘gain influence with wealthy people [and] government officials’ and as a UC ‘fund-raising organization.’ (105) In a 1963 brochure produced before the KCFF’s founding, its only proposed project was listed as the Little Angels, (106) a Korean dance troupe created by Moon. (107) Yet this is not the whole story either, for the KCFF was also utilized to raise money for another project sponsored by the KCIA and the Park regime – the Freedom Center (FC) established by the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League (APACL) in Seoul. (108) On 1 January 1964, Jong-Pil Kim had been named as the KCFF’s ‘honorary chairman’,(109) and by spring of that year he had ‘persuaded’ Pak to list the Freedom Center as the KCFF’s ‘primary project’. (110) Moreover, Pak was granted an ‘unprecedented’ military discharge so that he could take charge of KCFF’s development, (111) and other intelligence personnel were also associated with the KCFF, including William Curtin, a former U.S. military intelligence officer who became a KCFF board member and vice president,(112) and a KCIA officer named Un-Young Kim (a.k.a. Mickey Kim), who was given a special assignment involving the FC. (113)
In 1966 the KCIA pressured the KCFF to sponsor another project, the Radio of Free Asia (RFA), which was designed to beam anti-communist propaganda behind the ‘Bamboo Curtain’. (114) The idea was to raise money in the U.S. to pay for the Seoul-based transmissions, the first of which was broadcast on 15 August 1966. (115) Although RFA had a titular American chief, its two operations directors were Jong-Pil Kim subordinates and KCIA operatives. (116) Furthermore, RFA was allowed to use ROK government facilities ‘at no cost’,(117) and its broadcasts were monitored and partially supplied by the KCIA’s Seventh Bureau (118), which was responsible for psychological warfare. Thus, American citizens were being duped into financing official South Korean propaganda by the KCFF. All of these developments led the Fraser Subcommittee to conclude that from ‘the early 1960s through 1978, KCFF served as an important link between the Moon organization and the ROK Government’(119) and that ‘the influence of Kim Jong-Pil and Moon was present in its establishment and operations’. (120)
Many other examples of KCIA-UC cooperation can be mentioned. Among the more significant are the establishment of a UC training center at Sootaek-Ri to provide mandatory anti-communist indoctrination to ROK government officials, which has by now ‘educated’ many thousands of Koreans; (121) the provision of $50,000 by the KCIA to aid Moon’s attempted takeover of the Diplomat National Bank in New York; (122) the near launching of an anti-Japanese demonstration in Washington by Moonies under KCIA direction; (123) the establishment of numerous UC-controlled businesses in South Korea with Park’s support; (124) the use of official Korean embassy cable channels by Pak; (125) and the mutual KCIA-UC involvement in the founding of the International Federation for Victory over Communism (IFVC) and its U.S. affiliate, the Freedom Leadership Foundation (FLF). (126)
From this brief synthesis of masses of evidence uncovered by the Fraser Subcommittee, two firm conclusions can be drawn. First, contrary to the assertions of Pak and Moon himself, the UC was intimately involved in the Korean influence campaign directed by elements of the KCIA. Second, the UC was not simply an ‘agent of influence’ for the ROK regime, as some investigators have asserted. As the Subcommittee itself noted, ‘Moon and his organization acted from a mixture of motives and objectives. Service to Korea was combined with a desire to advance personal and organizational goals.’ (127) This is supported by other informed testimony. According to Allen Tate Wood, a former FLF leader, Moon spoke of making the Korean government ‘absolutely dependent’ on his services, (128) and in one talk Moon said: ‘My life is not so small I would act as a [K]CIA agent. My eyes and goal are not just for Korea…. the world is my goal and target.’(129) Therefore, it seems likely that the UC tried to extend its operational independence by taking advantage of factional strife between the several power blocs within Korea which had formed by the 1970s. As the Subcommittee emphasised, the UC’s organizational complex ‘was affected by shifts among the various factions within the Korean Government’.(130) In this connection, it should be noted that Pak had established close relations with other powerful ROK figures besides Jong-Pil Kim, including the head of the Presidential Protective Force, Chong-Kyu Park. (131) Thus, although the organizational refinement and economic expansion of the UC were stimulated by the ROK government following the 1961 coup, it would probably be a mistake to view the megalomaniac Moon as a passive lackey. (132)
In short, although the confusion remains regarding the details of the relationship between the UC and KCIA, the intimate connections between the two cannot be denied. Moon’s covert – and indeed overt – political support of one of the world’s more repressive dictatorships,(133) in conjunction with its brutal secret police apparatus, provides an excellent example of how the church functions in an external social control capacity, since these operations obviously contributed to manipulating and restricting the activities of people outside the UC itself. This dimension of the Church’s ‘mission’ will be equally apparent when its connection to WACL is examined.
The Unification Church-World Anti-Communist League Linkage
As will soon become clear, not enough serious research has been devoted to WACL to enable one to fully elucidate the activities of this group, either in general or in relation to Moon’s operations. (134) Nevertheless, I shall attempt to sketch some of the links between the two organizations after WACL’s origins and development have been outlined.
As Charles Goldman has noted, ‘the organizational backbone’ of WACL was constituted by an earlier formation known as the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League (APACL). (135) This latter organization was jointly founded by the governments of Syngman Rhee in South Korea and Kai-shek Chiang in Taiwan on 15 June 1954, (136) probably at the instigation and with the logistical support of the United States. (137) Although APACL purported to be a private organization, it was organised and largely staffed by active Taiwanese and South Korean intelligence personnel, (138) and seems to have been partially funded by Kuomintang (KMT) opium-smuggling activities in the ‘Golden Triangle’ of Southeast Asia, which elements of Chiang’s party controlled with (U.S.) CIA assistance. (139) APACL’s self-defined goal was to serve as a center for producing and disseminating anti-communist propaganda and to rally non-communist governments in south and east Asia in support of an active coalition against mainland China. (140) To accomplish these tasks, it published numerous pamphlets on the ‘red Chinese menace’ (141) and sought to make contact with anti-communist regimes and organizations throughout Asia, and, indeed, the entire world. (142) In this latter effort it was fairly successful, for it soon obtained the support of hardline factions within the governments of Vietnam, the Philippines and Thailand,(143) and also established liaisons with extreme right-wing organizations outside of Asia, including American groups that formed part of the KMT’s ‘China lobby’, (144) the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN),(145) National Labour Union, or NTS, (146) and an umbrella group for Latin American ultras called the Confederacion Interamericana de Defensa del Continente (CIADC).(147) The growing cooperation which ensued resulted in the creation of an international steering committee to coordinate worldwide anti-communist activities known as the World Anti-Communist Congress for Freedom and Liberation (WACCFL),(148) which held a meeting in Mexico City in March of 1958 and included representatives from various east Asian governments, ABN, CIADC, the American Security Council (ASC),(149) and the West German Volksbund fur Frieden und Feiheit (VFF). (150) This network continued to solidify and expand until, in response to the rapid growth of the left in the first half of the 1960s, it reorganised itself into the World Anti-Communist League in 1966. (151) At that point, APACL became its official Asian branch. [N.B. this essay was written before WACL changed its name in 1990 to the World League for Freedom and Democracy – RR.]
WACL develops
From the outset WACL has tried hard to clothe its crude, visceral anti-communism in a respectable guise,(152) and in a recent publication it listed its aims as follows:
‘Fight and strive to remove all forms of totalitarianism, including communism, from the face of the earth, wherever they may be found; uphold human rights, most important of which are liberty, freedom of religious beliefs, social justice, and the self-determination of all peoples’.(153)
And in fact, some genuinely conservative organizations that have affiliated with WACL promote a relatively moderate form of anti-communism and probably accept this disingenuous description as an accurate summary of their own objectives. The token participation of such traditional anti-communist outfits probably explains why ‘WACL enjoys a general reputation in conservative circles as a respectable if largely ineffectual promoter of an outdated 1950s-era anti-communism’. (154) Behind this harmless facade, however, most member organizations pursue hidden agendas and are simply using WACL as a front to make contact with other activists who share their sympathies and/or as a cover to plan and coordinate joint actions of a violent, repressive nature in various parts of the world. But since these intersecting secret agendas derive from diverse sources, including rival non-communist intelligence services and xenophobic ultra-nationalistic groups, (155) they are not always fully-integrated or even fully compatible.
The development of WACL therefore appears turbulent and schizophrenic, with ‘moderate’ British, Scandinavian, and (sometimes) American factions opposing extremist Latin American and continental European sections; and groups among the latter competing with each other for leadership and influence. (156) Shortly after WACL was formally established, its power base purportedly began to shift away from effective South Korean and Taiwanese control into the hands of Neo-Nazi extremists. (157) A series of internal memos produced by WACL members – one by Professor David Rowe of WACL’s former U.S. chapter (the American Council for World Freedom, ACWF) in 1970, one by Geoffrey-Stewart-Smith of WACL’s former British chapter (the Foreign Affairs Circle) in 1972, one by Professor Stefan Possony of the Hoover Institution and ACWF in 1974, and one by ‘moderate’ Scandinavian chapters in the late 1970s – acknowledged and complained of the increasing takeover of WACL by anti-Semitic and overtly pro-Nazi ultras. (158) According to Possony, the main group responsible for this shift was WACL’s Latin American wing, the Confederacion Anticomunista Latinoamericana (CAL), whose core comprised members of the ‘Tecos’, a Nazi-tinged ex-Catholic integralist organization centered at the autonomous University of Guadalajara which has been responsible over the years for several terrorist attacks on supposed ‘subversives’. (159) The successful entry of CAL reportedly reopened WACL’s membership rolls to numerous other ultra-rightist outfits, many of which were identified in Paul Valentine’s excellent 1978 article in the Washington Post. (160) This development led to both the resignation of some ‘moderate’ WACL sections and the eventual expulsion – in name if not in substance – of certain ‘extremist’ factions, including CAL, the British ‘scientific’ racist Roger Pearson’s Council on American Affairs (CAA), and EUROWACL, the ‘parallel subgroup of European fascists’ that he helped organise.(161)
However this may be, and despite several publicised attempts to expel the remaining extremist chapters and clean up WACL’s image, the organization continues to be a hotbed of ‘parafascist’ intrigue and subversion. (162) Some of the expelled organizations simply made cosmetic name changes and were then readmitted with virtually the same personnel, (163) and even WACL members who had formally opposed or exposed these ‘neo-Nazi’ elements, tacitly accepted their subsequent re-entry. (164) Thus, in an official 1984 list of WACL affiliates, (165) one still finds disreputable groups like Alpha 66, an active Cuban exile paramilitary organization with intimate connections to the CIA,(166) the collaborationist ABN, (167) and the Crown Commonwealth League of Rights, headed by the notorious Australian anti-Semite, Eric D. Butler.(169)
Even more significantly, among the recent participants at WACL conferences, one can identify numerous extremists with a long history of violence, including Nazareno Mollicone and Pierluigi Concutelli of Italy’s neo-fascist terrorist group, Ordine Nuovo (ON), which for years has engaged in terror bombings and murders forming part of a coordinated ‘strategy of tension’ (169); Blas Pinar of Spain’s Fuerza Neuva (FNu) a ‘right’ Falangist oganisation whose members have been linked to at least one infamous terrorist assault; (170) Tom Posey and other American ‘patriots’ from CMA, some of whom seem to be members of Ku Klux Klan (KKK) factions (171); Mario Sandoval Alarcon of Guatemala’s ‘party of organised violence’ – the Movimiento de Liberacion Nacional (MLN) – which played a key role in the establishment of ‘death squads’ throughout Latin America (172); Sandoval’s protege Robert D’Aubisson of El Salvador’s Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (ARENA) party, which has well-documented ties to Salvadoran parallel police commandos (173); Dinko Sakic, an Ustase concentration camp commander in Yugoslavia during World War II and now a member of both the Croation section of the ABN and an Australian-based, Ustase-inspired terrorist group called the Hrvatsko Revolucionarno Bratsvo (HRB, Croation Revolutionary Brotherhood)(174); a number of South American covert action specialists working for the Argentinian, Bolivian, Brazilian, Chilean, Paraguyan, or Uruguayan secret services in their ‘Operation Condor’, continent-wide assassination operations (175); and possibly Stephano Della Chiaie of Italy’s violent neo-fascist group Avanguardia Nazionale (AN), one of the world’s most active right-wing terrorists prior to his 1987 seizure in Venezuela.(176) These examples, which could be multiplied, explain why Goldman has characterised WACL as ‘the foremost neo-fascist umbrella organization in today’s world’. (177) They also serve to illustrate the truly Orwellian nature of the massive propaganda campaign launched by WACL’s recent chairman, retired Major General John L. Singlaub of the ACWF, to portray the organization as a haven for democrats and ‘freedom fighters’ (although he did make some effort to clean it up by expelling CAL). (178)
This brief overview of WACL provides a springboard for discussing that group’s relationship with the UC, a relationship that despite Moon’s public attack on it in the mid-1970s, when he accused it of being a ‘fascist’ organization, has been multifaceted but close. (179) As has already been noted, South Korean President Syngman Rhee was one of the original promoters of APACL, along with Kai-shek Chiang of Taiwan. But this was one Rhee project that survived the 1961 military coup,(180) for Park soon after decided to establish an APACL-affiliated Freedom Center in Seoul and, as we also saw above, he sought to use Bo-Hi Pak’s KCFF to raise funds in the U.S. to support it. This represents the first known link between Moon’s UC and APACL, the organization which shortly thereafter gave birth to WACL. According to Boyer, however, a rivalry to obtain Park’s favour later developed between Moon and the largely anti-Moonist Korean WACL chapter, which the latter ultimately won. (181)
The Japanese Unification Church
But the real key to the WACL-Moon link probably lies in Japan, and I must therefore trace the development of the Japanese UC before trying to clarify this link. The founder of the Japanese branch of Moon’s church was Sang-Ik Choi, who spent much of his youth living in Osaka, Japan. At the end of World War II he and his family were forced to return to Korea, and, since he had studied English in Japan, he obtained a job interpreting for the occupying American forces. (182) His father had earlier become a devotee of Tenri-kyo, a Japanese New Religion, and after a short anti-religious phase Sang-Ik Choi converted to Christianity and ended up joining the T’ong-Il Kyo in April 1957. (183) After doing some missionary work for Moon in Korea, he was sent to Japan to start a UC branch in June of 1958. (184) His early efforts met with virtually no success; when he officially founded the church (known in Japan as the Genri Undo) on 10 August 1959, he was its only actual member. (185)
Finally, after years of frustration he managed to ‘convert’ fifty leaders of the ultra-nationalist Nichiren Buddhist sect, Riossho Kosei Kai (Establishment of Righteousness Rebirth Association) in late 1962, (186) and with their help the Genri Undo began to grow. By 1966, it had developed a ‘tight organizational structure’ that was reflected in a communal ‘family’ lifestyle, a systematised intensive training programme, and a ‘corporate’ church organization with a national headquarters divided into bureaux, departments, divisions and committees, and a regional system divided into eleven districts and thirty-six prefectural churches. (187) Eventually, the Japanese UC became the largest and wealthiest of all Moon’s national branches, and some of the vast funds raised by its members were transferred to the U.S. and used by the American UC in its pro-South Korea ‘influence’ operations.(188)
Once again, we observe a course of development similar to that which occurred in South Korea. Prior to late 1962, the Genri Undo was impoverished, extremely small, and struggling for its existence. Less than four years later, it had become powerful, highly-organised and well financed. How can one account for this transformation? Although the data doesn’t permit us to clarify all of the details, it would appear that ‘friends in high places’ again played a role in this turnabout, as they did in Korea after the 1961 coup. In the Japanese context, however, such support would certainly not have been granted publicity by government officials, but garnered covertly through the machinations of the so-called kuromaku or ‘black curtains’, a term borrowed from the traditional Kabuki theatre that is nowadays used to designate ‘conspiratorial political bosses’ who broker power behind the scenes via a combination of intimidation, bribery, blackmail, brute force, and nemawashi (‘binding the roots’), a time-consuming, conflict-reducing process of negotiation. (189) According to Kaplan and Dubro, ‘[a]lthough most political arenas [in Japan] have their kuromaku, the term most often applies to those men on the right – usually the extreme right – who serve as a bridge between the yakuza-rightist underworld and the legitimate world of business and mainstream politics’.(190)
Our first hint of kuromaku involvement in the development of the UC in Japan is that it was none other than Osami (a.k.a. Henri) Kuboki, an aide to Rissho Korei Kai president Nikkyo Niwano, and Kaichi Komiyama, the chief of the organization’s Religion Department, whose ‘interest’ in the fledgling Genri Undo (GU) led to the crucial 1962 ‘conversion’ of the fifty sect leaders to Unificationism.(191) In addition to occupying an influential position within the Rissho Kosei Kai, Kuboki was apparently a ‘yakuza lieutenant’ of Yoshio Kodama,(192) one of the two most powerful kuromaku in postwar Japan. The other was Ryoichi Sasagawa, who also took an early interest in the GU and thence became its unofficial ‘advisor’ and the ‘legal guarantor’ of its founder, Sang-Ik Choi, during the latter’s immigration trial in 1963-4.(193) After Choi’s expulsion from Japan, Kuboki and Komiyama took over the leadership of the GU, the former becoming president of the Sekai Kirisutokyō Dōitsu Sinrei Kyōkai (HSA-UWC, Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity) in 1963, the latter establishing its student group, the Zenkoku Daigaku Genri Kenkyu Kai (All Japan Universities Basic Principle Study Association) in 1964. (194) To grasp the significance of these events, it is necessary to sketch the background of Kodama and Sasagawa.
Kodama and Sasagawa
Kodama was born in Fukushima Prefecture in 1911 and, after receiving some primary and secondary schooling in Korea, returned to Japan, became involved with a long succession of prewar ultra-nationalist and pan-Asiatic groups – among which was Mitsuru Toyama’s Genyo Sha (Dark Ocean Society), the secret society founded in the late 19th century that first grouped extreme rightists and yakuza together (195) – and was arrested several times for a variety of subversive and terrorist activities, including planning the assassination of high-level government officials in the mid 1930s (196) Following his release from a third stint in prison in 1937, he used his rightist political connections to obtain various official positions, first at Army headquarters and later with the Information Bureau of the Foreign Ministry. (197)
His peculiar talents were soon recognised by his superiors, and he was sent to China, Inner Mongolia and Manchuria, where he undertook pro-militarist covert operations of different sorts, including the establishment of espionage networks in China. Following the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, Kodama was authorised to create his own apparatus, the Kodama Kikan (Agency or Organ), which was then granted an exclusive contract to procure strategic materials (especially precious metals) for the Japanese Naval Air Force. In this capacity, he amassed a fortune through bribery and extortion, while simultaneously gathering intelligence, financing the Shanghai office of the Kempei Tai secret police, launching paramilitary actions, and trafficking in opium.(198) In August of 1945, he was appointed to the Advisory Council of the post-surrender Prince Higashikuni cabinet, and helped organise the Nihon Kokumin (Japan Peoples’ Party) before being arrested by Allied authorities as a class A war criminal and incarcerated in Sugamo prison. (199)
Among his cellmates in Sugamo was Sasagawa, who had likewise been arrested as a Class A war criminal. Sasagawa was born in Osaka in 1899 and, after becoming an Army pilot, founded the prewar ultra-nationalist groups Kukubo Sha (National Defense Society) and – with his underling Kodama’s help – the Kokusai Taishu To (National Essence Mass Party). (200) The latter had 15,000 black-uniformed members by 1939, and some of these served as operatives of the Kodama Kikan on the Chinese mainland. (201) Yet despite his rightist ideological proclivities – he was, e.g., a great admirer and personal acquaintance of Benito Mussolini – Sasagawa was also an opportunist. Thus, throughout the militaristic, repressive period prior to and following the outbreak of war, he blackmailed wealthy individuals he discovered to be harbouring ‘dangerous thoughts’. In 1942, he was elected to the Diet (Parliament) on the basis of ‘a platform of intensified aggression in Southeast Asia’. (202) Nevertheless, despite such sordid and in many ways criminal backgrounds, and despite the warnings of some American intelligence officers, who described Kodama as a ‘grave security risk’ who ‘could easily become a big-time operator in Japan’s reconstruction period’, (203) and Sasagawa as ‘a man potentially dangerous to Japan’s political future’ who ‘chafes for continued power’, (204) both men were released from prison in late 1948.
This decision was due primarily to the impact of the intensifying Cold War atmosphere on the policies adopted by American occupation authorities. In Japan, the early ‘demilitarization’ phase had given way by early 1948 to the so-called ‘reverse course’ phase, during which more imprisoned or purged rightists were freed and/or ‘depurged’. Even before this shift, a bitter feud had developed between those officials who were determined to eradicate Japanese militarism, especially personnel in the Government Section under the command of Major-General Courtney Whitney, and those who felt that this policy was counterproductive, too extreme, or ‘leftist’, particularly the American business interests represented within the ‘Japan Crowd’ and the Military Intelligence (G-2) Section of GHQ headed by rightist sympathiser and fanatical anti-communist, Major-General Charles A. Willoughby. (205) The latter officer, far from loyally carrying out the anti-militarist policies mandated by SCAPIN
550 of January 1946, actively recruited ultra-nationalists (including wartime police and intelligence officials) and yakuza thugs as informants, strikebreakers, and covert operators. (206) It is now generally acknowledged that both Kodama and Sasagawa cut deals with Willoughby’s G-2 and/or other hardline groups within (and perhaps also outside of) the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP) bureaucracy. (207)
Immediately upon his release in December of 1948, Kodama seems to have been recruited by American intelligence. (208) Although he performed a variety of covert tasks for his employers, including gathering intelligence abroad and maritime smuggling, his main function was to serve as an intermediary between GHQ and the ultranationalist-yakuza underworld and to help mobilise the latter for espionage and strong-arm operations at the behest of the former (or their conservative Japanese political allies).(209) Thus, e.g., in 1949 Kodama ‘led the Meiraki-gumi [gang] against labor unions at the Hokutan coal mine’. (210) Moreover, he used the fortune he had accumulated in China and subsequently hidden, which supposedly amounted to 70 million yen (not including the platinum and diamonds he spirited away),(211) to covertly influence electoral politics in postwar Japan. To cite just one example, he provided 6.5 million yen through an intermediary – ultranationalist gangster Karoku Tsuji – to his Sugamo cellmate Ichiro Hatoyama for the purpose of establishing the Minshu To (Democratic Party), a new conservative party controlled by depurged prewar rightist politicians who were unable to obtain a dominant position in Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida’s bureaucrat-controlled Jiyu To (Liberal Party). (212) Following the election of Hatoyama as Prime Minister, the two parties merged in 1955 to become the Jiyuminshu To (Liberal Democratic Party or LDP), the highly conservative pro-American party which has almost single-handedly ruled Japan up to the present day. Since then, Kodama has often brought decisive pressure to bear on the factional struggles within the LDP, including arranging for the reelection of Nobusuke Kishi, another Sugamo cellmate, in 1959, as well as helping Eisaku Sato become Prime Minister in 1964. He also maintained close relations with other LDP politicians, such as the yakuza-connected LDP Vice President Bamboku Ono, (213) and his influence did not suffer a major setback until he was identified as the key ‘fixer’ in the Lockheed Corporation bribery scandal. (214)
In addition to these political activities and his ‘legitimate’ business operations, Kodama also became involved with numerous postwar ultranationalist and yakuza organizations, including the Matsuba Kai (Pine Needles Society), the Kokusiu Kai (National Essence Society), and the Gijin To (Righteous Men’s or Martyrs’ Party). (215) He served as an advisor to the predominantly Korean yakuza group led by Hisayuki Machii (born Gon-Yong Chong), the Tosei Kai (Eastern Voice Society), and organised the Kofu Kurabu (Friendly Relations Club) in 1965. (216) But Kodama’s connections to individual organizations of this type were less significant than his efforts to bring about their cooperation and federation. Perhaps this notion first occurred to him in 1960 when Prime Minister Kishi asked for his help to counter leftist demonstrations that were planned in response to President Eisenhower’s projected visit. In response, Kodama mobilised ‘more than 18000 gangsters, 10,000 tekiya (street vendors controlled by gangster or near-gangster bosses), 4,000 ‘pure’ non-gangster rightists, and 5,000 others… including war veterans…’ to augment the outmanned Tokyo police. (217) Although Ike’s visit was ultimately called off, Kodama soon after attempted to make this temporary alliance of the normally splintered far right and yakuza groups more permanent by, e.g. arranging an alliance known as the Kanto Kai (Kanto Society) between seven major Tokyo gangs (which shorty thereafter collapsed),(218) facilitating an ‘expedient alliance’ between the Tosei Kai and Japan’s largest yakuza grouping, Kazuo Taoka’s Yamiguchi-gumi, (219) and reconciling the latter with Kakuji Inagawa’s Kinsei Kai. (220)
Perhaps more importantly, Kodama helped to found two major rightist-gangster umbrella organizations, the Zen-Nihon Aikokusha Dantai Kaigi or Zen-Ai Kaigi (All Japan Federation of Patriotic organizations), and the Seinan Shisho Kenkyu Kai or Seishikai (Youth Ideology Research Association). The former was created in March 1959 by a ‘network of influential rightists’, including Kodama, who became its first chairman, and Sasagawa, who sat on its governing board. (221) Originally it was a violent, loosely structured organization with a vague ideology, but after 1968 its organization was tightened up a bit by a new chairman, ultranationalist Yoshiaki Sagoya,(222) and it adopted a ‘unified….theoretical system’ based on the pure Japanist views of Toyama. By 1974, it claimed to encompass 440 rightist-gangster groups whose membership totalled 150,000. (223) Although Kodama himself continued to maintain a high-level position within Zen-Ai Kaigi, he became more actively involved with Seishikai, a Zen-Ai Kaigi subdivision established by Kodama loyalists in 1961 that split from its parent body in July of 1969, at which time Kodama became its top advisor. (224) Seishikai incorporated a least twenty member organizations, including Machii’s Tosei Kai, and it promoted both ‘theoretical education’ and paramilitary training, ostensibly in preparation for a communist coup attempt. (225) In line with this new emphasis on ideological preparation, Kodama also established the Nihon Seinen Koza (Japan Youth Seminar) in April 1967,(226) an organization to which Osami Kuboki later became an ‘advisor’. (227)
For his part, upon his release from prison Sugamo Sasagawa persuaded the Japanese government to allow him to set up motorboat races that the public could legally bet on. This proved wildly successful and with his substantial profits he set up the Japan Federation of Motorboat Racing Associations, which has grossed over $US5 billion per year. 3% of the annual ticket sales are thence dispensed through a ‘non profit’ company he controls on behalf of the government, the Shipbuilding Promotion Foundation, that ‘employs over 100,000 people and makes a profit of 18 million yen a year’. (228) In addition to these economic ventures, Sasagawa ‘is alleged to head a shadowy syndicate of wealthy [stock market] investors who, by concentrating their resources on a given stock, can make it run up and down like a yo-yo’. (229) The profits from this speculation and the other Sasagawa-controlled businesses (230) have made him one of the world’s wealthiest men, and he has disseminated his vast fortune not only for philanthropic causes (231) but also to promote or obstruct various LDP factions and leaders. Thus, it is known that Sasagawa assisted Kodama in securing Sato’s election as Prime Minister in 1964, and that he helped Kakuei Tanaka defeat his Kodama-backed LDP rival Takeo Fukuda, in the 1972 elections. (232)
Of greater interest are Sasagawa’s links to ultranationalist and gangster organizations. As early as 1954, he became the director of a reorganised prewar ultra-rightist group, the Butoku Kai (Martial Virtues Association),(233) and he is also associated with numerous other ‘anti-communist’ groups, including the Nihon Goyu Renmei (Japan Federation of Veterans’ Associations), the Zen-Ai Kaigi federation, and APACL-Japan and the Moon-linked IFVC, the Japanese branch of WACL. He has also boasted of his friendship with Yamiguchi-gumi ‘godfather’ Taoko and, like Kodama, has ‘reportedly served as a mediator between feuding yakuza gangs’. (234) In addition to these known links to yakuza and uyoku (extreme rightist) elements, he is president of the World Karate Federation and its all-Japan Federation, both of which have served, among other things, as a legitimate ‘cover’ for gangster and ultranationalist groups. (235)
Why would these two kuromaku, who were among the most powerful and influential figures in postwar Japanese politics, take an interest in the unpopular, impoverished Japanese branch of an obscure Korean-based religious sect like the UC? In my opinion, the key lies in Korea, specifically with KCIA founder Jong-Pil Kim. I have already noted that Kim had established links with Moon even before the 1961 Park coup, and that following this coup – if not earlier – he had decided to covertly support the expansion of the UC in return for its provision of ‘cover’ for various KCIA operations, both in South Korea and the U.S.. It is therefore entirely reasonable to suppose that he hoped to make similar use of the UC branch in Japan, which was at that time unable to make any real headway in recruiting followers. But it still needs to be demonstrated that Kim was in contact with Kodama and/or Sasagawa, and that it was in their mutual interest to aid the foundering Japanese branch of Moon’s organization, Genri Undo.
One of the most problematic issues in postwar Asian reconstruction was the so-called ‘normalization’ of ROK-Japanese relations. The harsh and exploitative nature of Japanese colonial rule in Korea from 1910-1945 had led to bitter hostility between the two countries, which inhibited their inability to reestablish mutually-beneficial political and economic relations after the war was over. (236) These attitudes were exacerbated by both the unwillingness of Japanese leaders to acknowledge the destructive effects of their nation’s occupation of Korea and Syngman Rhee’s unshakeable hatred and distrust of Japan, and were manifested in a series of squabbles over specific issues of interest to both countries, including the question of Japanese reparations for damages inflicted on Korea, the return of stolen Korean property, the controversy over the fishing boundary between the two nations, and the problem posed by the Koreans residing in Japan. (237) Despite sporadic efforts to resolve these issues, no bilateral agreement could be reached as long as Rhee remained in power. Moreover, his intransigence undermined U.S. efforts to create a regional anti-communist alliance structure in northeast Asia, whether formally, in the manner of NATO, or informally through ‘private’ organizations like APACL. (238)
The fall of Rhee thus represented a turning point in ROK-Japan interaction. The short-lived democratic government that succeeded him made overtures towards normalization of relations with Japan, an approach also adopted by the Park regime following the 1961 coup.(239) Park and other junta leaders had good economic and political reasons for promoting normalization: they needed Japanese capital to help modernise their country’s economy and hoped to stabilise their strategic position by yielding to American pressure to reestablish better relations with Japan.(240) The Japanese government headed by Kishi likewise sought to improve Japan’s investment opportunities and strategic position. (241) These official views were to a great extent catalysed and reinforced by powerful business leaders in both countries, specifically the Korean Businessmen’s Association founded in 1961 by a dozen big businessmen and the ‘Korea Lobby’ in Japan, which included ‘15 top capitalists’ who had established the Japan-ROK Economic Cooperation Organization. It was these latter who financed ‘key factional bosses’ in the LDP, and their political allies included Prime Minister Kishi and Dietman Bamboku Ono, among others (242) – the very same rightist politicians supported behind the scenes by Kodama and Sasagawa, who themselves had economic interests in South Korea. (243)
Of equal significance for our topic, the envoy selected by Park to open ‘informal channels’ with these pro-normalization elements in Japan was none other than Jong-Pil Kim, (244) who travelled to Japan in October of 1962 – immediately prior to his visit to the U.S., during which he promised Moonies in San Francisco that he would secretly support the UC – to meet with various Japanese leaders, including Kodama’s ally Ono. (245) As a result of this visit and a second in November 1962, which Kim undertook on his way home from America, an important step in the normalization process was taken with the formulation of the ‘Kim-Ohira Memorandum’. (246) If all of this were not suggestive enough, Kodama himself was ‘reputed to have been close to former ROK intelligence chief Kim-Chong-p’il and ha[d] been an important channel from Kim to the LDP and Japanese government’. (247) Indeed, according to Japanese journalist Eisuke Otsuka, ‘Kodama arranged a meeting inviting Korean representative Kim Chong-p’il and Kishi, Bamboku Ono, and Ichiro Kono and made them disentangle the trouble [regarding normalization] that had lasted for four years in short order’. (248) Kim, Ono and Kodama were all later implicated in financial scandals involving both countries. (249)
However, one should not assume that the motives for these contacts were strictly economic. Both Kim and the Japanese kuromaku were concerned with countering communist expansionism, and all three sought to create rightist federations to facilitate this. I have already noted that Kim, Kodama and Sasagawa had worked to strengthen domestic anti-communist forces, and have also discussed some of Kim’s operations abroad. It remains only to show that the latter two men were also actively involved in creating and supporting regional or worldwide groupings like APACL and WACL, and that one of the instruments they made us of – probably at Kim’s urging – was Moon’s UC.
Sasagawa was apparently an early backer, if not one of the founders, of APACL,(250) and it was he who supposedly first got the idea to ‘harness Japanese Christians….to advance anti-communist ideology’. (251) But it is my guess that it was actually Kim who, after making contact with Kodama (and presumably also Sasagawa), explained that he was reorganising and planning to use Moon’s church in Korea to cover and help finance various anti-communist political activities initiated by the KCIA, and then suggested that the kuromaku provide similar backing for the struggling UC branch in Japan, the GU. This would not only account for the ‘conversion’ of the Rissho Kosei Kai members orchestrated by Kodama’s man Kuboki, but also for the rapid subsequent elaboration of the GU’s organizational structure and training procedures; (252) and it is entirely consistent with what is known about the later development of the links between the Japanese UC and WACL.
In July of 1967, about one month before WACL was formally established, Sasagawa hosted the gathering of a ‘secret cabal’ consisting of himself, Moon, and two Kodama underlings – Shirai Tamao, secretary of the aforementioned Nihon Seinen Koza, and Kuboki, at that time both an advisor to the same organization and head of Moon’s GU. (253) According to Scott and Jon Lee Anderson, ‘[t]he purpose of the meeting was to create in Japan a Korean-style anti-communist movement that could operate under the umbrella of the World Anti-Communist League and that would further Moon’s global crusade and lend the Japanese yakuza leaders a respectable new facade’. (254) Whatever their precise motives may have been, a year later the International Front for Victory over Communism (IFVC), the ‘principal vehicle for Moon’s anti-Communist activities’, was founded in both South Korea and Japan, where it was known as the Kokusai Shokyo Rengo. (255)
Almost as soon as it was created, the latter was reorganised as the official Japanese chapter of WACL, (256) and within a couple of years it had set up twenty-one branches all over Japan which together had a purported membership of 60,000. (257) Its leading officers included Kuboki (president), Sasagawa (‘honorary president’) and Kodama (‘chief advisor’), and its lower level personnel have from the outset been drawn primarily from the ranks of GU-affiliated organizations like the Genri Kenkyu Kai of Komiyama. (258) Boyer has therefore baldly stated that ‘the Japanese chapter of WACL is Moonist’. (259) But I think this formulation is at best a half-truth, for although naive Moonies clearly provided the bulk of the unpaid, docile labor force that performed the duller, more gruelling tasks, such as door-to-door political campaigning and fund-raising, the Shokyo Rengo seems to have also served as a focal point for the activities of Japanese ultra-nationalists and yakuza, if not intelligence operatives. This is an important topic that should be further explored by researchers able to consult Japanese sources, but in any case there is no doubt that the GU is intimately linked to WACL in Japan. For example, in 1970 the Shokyo Rengo, in its capacity as the Japanese branch of WACL, hosted the massive Fourth WACL/Sixteenth APACL Conference in Tokyo, which Sasagawa helped to fund and which was addressed by several prominent Japanese politicians, including Kishi and Sato; (260) and it has remained very active in the affairs of APACL and WACL to this day, as the participation of Kuboki and/or other Shokyo Rengo leaders at virtually every important subsequent gathering of the two organizations indicates. (261)
Like the UC-KCIA connection, Moon’s links to WACL provide further evidence of his associations with an international nexus consisting of hardline intelligence personnel, gangsters, leading conservative politicians, and far right extremists, many of whom are in turn members of a bewildering variety of other ‘private’ anti-communist organizations. At the very moment when Moon was publicly disassociating himself from the ‘fascist’ WACL, the Japanese branch of the UC was providing most of the membership of the WACL-Japan through its political front, the IFVC. Nor has this been the only connection between the Moon organization and WACL, for the former has often cooperated with other WACL chapters, as well as with ultra-rightist groups and individuals that are in some way affiliated with WACL. Indeed, front groups of the UC have directly participated in blatantly subversive activities and, at least indirectly, in terrorism or other forms of WACL-linked violence. (262) Given this background, it should come as no surprise to learn that Moon has been deeply involved in the illegal contra supply network. Scholars must therefore begin to take the Moonies more seriously on a strictly political level, instead of focusing all of their attention on the UC’s inter-organizational techniques of social control.
Conclusion
I have attempted to disentangle particular aspects of the Unification Church’s covert activities and linkages. But this represents only a beginning. There are many other facets of Moon’s political operations that need to be examined more thoroughly, and his organizational complex only constitutes one among dozens, if not hundreds, of ‘private’ groups that work in tandem or conjunction with essentially anti-democratic elements within the national security establishments of the U.S. and other nations. Because of their unofficial status, such groups can undertake ‘plausibly deniable’ actions that subvert, circumvent, or directly counter the stated foreign policy aims of formally democratic governments. To the extent that they do so, there is no hope of making said governments genuinely responsive to public participation in deliberations about the conduct of international relations, a task that would be difficult enough even if these groups did not exist.
Another issue raised – but certainly not resolved – in this discussion of the UC is the extent to which it and similar anti-communist political groups should really be characterized as independent or private. In the wake of Contragate, a theme which has been constantly reiterated in the press is that of the so-called ‘privatisation’ of U.S. foreign policy. In many cases, the implication has been that bona fide private organizations made up of concerned citizens are taking it upon themselves to initiate political or even military action because their government is unable or unwilling to do so. But this represents a sort of populist idealization of the real situation, since in many cases it is not so much a case of the initiative of private citizens as it is of the initiative of disgruntled government officials, particularly those in intelligence and military bureaucracies. At the very least, the process is better described as the ‘contracting out’ of specific tasks by government agencies to sympathetic non-governmental organizations, which should therefore be viewed as subcontractors rather than independents. Nor should one overlook the possibility that certain ostensibly private organizations are nothing more than front groups for intelligence agencies. Ultimately, the only way to ascertain the real situation is to examine and analyze each case on its own merits.
Notes
1.This quote is ironically cited in Ad Hoc Committee of Members of the Unification Church, 1979 p. 125. I propose to do just that.
2. For official government investigations of the Iran-Contra scandal, see U.S. Government, President’s Special Review Board [The Tower Commission] Report, 26 February 1987 (Washington DC, GPO, 1987); and U.S. Congress, Joint Committee, Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, with Supplementary, Minority and Additional Views, 100th Congress, 1st Congress, 13 November 1987 (Washington DC, GPO, 1987). The most revealing of the ‘unofficial’ investigations concerning this scandal are Cockburn (1987), Marshall et al and Christic Institute, although the Christic document contains a number of as yet unsubstantiated claims.
3. Aside from their extreme rightist political perspective, the most important common denominator of all these particular organizations is the high percentage of ‘former’ intelligence and military (especially unconventional warfare) personnel associated with them. See, e.g., Peter Stone, pp. A21, A24.
4. Here I do not mean to suggest that ‘normal’ organizations and ‘acceptable’ religions do not manipulate the behavior of their members, for this is undoubtedly part and parcel of the activities of all such institutions. But there are obvious qualitative differences between the type and degree of social control exercised in common-or-garden organizations – or in society at large, for that matter – and the type of extreme and systematized control mechanisms utilized by cults. On a larger societal level, only Communist China has consciously employed similar methods of ‘thought reform’, and then only for a relatively short period characterized by extraordinary attempts to mould the ‘new’ Communist man. For more information about Chinese techniques, see Whyte, 1975.
5. Note, e.g., the criminal strong-arm tactics adopted by Synanon members vis-a-vis their neighbours during the late 1970s. See Ofshe (1980). Cf. also Robert Kaufman’s conclusions regarding the political attitudes of the Scientology members he encountered: ‘Many were reactionary, almost Fascistic, in their political views’. – Kaufman, 1972, p. 31. Of course he is clearly using the term ‘fascistic’ in the usual imprecise, pejorative sense.
6. Master Speaks (17 May, 1973) p. 12. (Hereafter cited as MS.)
7. These actions received extensive coverage in the mainstream American media during the 1970s. For a good introduction, see Boettcher, 1980.
8. The Fraser’s Subcommittee’s investigations were published officially in a series of volumes, and include both extensive hearings and documentation as well as the final report. For information on the UC and KCIA., see especially US Congress, Investigation of Korean-American Relations (1978), hereafter cited as KA Report; US Congress, Activities of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (1976), parts 1 and 2, hereafter cited as KCIA-1 and KCIA-2; US Congress, Investigation of Korean-American Relations (1978) Part 4, Supplement, hereafter cited as KI-4 Sup.
9. Barker (1984), pp. 2-6.
10. See, e.g., Dart (1985) section 2, p. 4, and Rauber (1985).
11. I say ‘former’ because one never knows for certain when or if intelligence operatives actually retire. For more on Pak, see below.
12. There is a considerable literature on the UC’s methods of recruitment and behavior control, though much of it is superficial or otherwise problematic. The best introductory book about the UC remains Horowitz. A representative sampling of works on Moon might include [Robert Boettcher Gifts of Deceit] Barker, Josh Freed, Bromley and Shupe Jnr., Galanter et al, Lofland, Sontag, Allen Tate Wood [Moonstruck – A memoir of my life in a cult, see also links to video interviews with Wood below] and Yamamoto (1977).
Professor Kimiaki Nishida 西田 公昭 of Rissho University in Tokyo.
Indoctrination through Psychological Manipulation
http://howwelldoyouknowyourmoon.tumblr.com/post/130501372843/cult-indoctrination-through-psychological
LINK to the Japanese
David Frank Taylor, M.A., July 1978, Sociology
The Social Organization of Recruitment in the Unification Church (162 pp.)
http://scholarworks.umt.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=6585&context=etd
Geri-Ann Galanti, Ph.D.
“Socialization techniques through which the UC members were able to influence”
http://www.icsahome.com/articles/brainwashing-and-the-moonies-galanti-csj-1-1-1984
Sun Myung Moon: “split the person apart” May 17, 1973, USA
http://howwelldoyouknowyourmoon.tumblr.com/post/70635903112/moon-split-the-person-apart
13. This document is reproduced in KI-4 Supp., p. 458.
14. KA Report, p. 354. Needless to say, Moon’s supporters have also gleefully pointed out this obvious error. See, e.g., Pak (1978), which is nothing more than a selectively edited publication of Pak’s testimony. For the full version see KI-4.
15. See, for example, Han (ed.), pp. 172-4, Jones and Sakong, pp. 30-37, and Kim and Roemer, pp. 21-39.
16. On these ‘New Religions’ in Korea, see Transactions as well as Myong-Hwan Tahk, cited by Everett N. Hunt Jnr. in Hesselgrave (ed.) 1978. Hunt estimates their number at around 250 – p. 103, note 2. For their Japanese counterparts (the Shinko Shukyo) see the fine bibliography by Earhart.
17. Spencer J. Palmer, ‘The New Religions of Korea: Introduction’ to Transactions, pp. 2-7. The quote is from p. 7.
18. Felix Moos, ‘Leadership and Organization in the Olive Tree Movement.’, in Transactions, p. 14.
19. Hauth p. 14.
20. For Moon’s early history, see ibid pp. 6-11; Barker pp. 38-43; Bromley and Shupe (pp. 36 and 45-50); Boyer pp. 105-117; Kim (1978) pp. 7-20; Le Cabellec pp. 34-44 and passim; Yamamoto pp. 15-21; Syn-Duk Choi, ‘Korea’s T’ong-Il Movement’, in Transactions pp. 101-4. Of these Kim’s account is based on the most complete Korean and Japanese sources, but is infused with extreme anti-Moon sentiments. For UC’s own version, see Yu (1974) p. 24 and 1986, passim. I have been unable to obtain a copy of Moon’s ‘official’ church biography.
21. Yamamoto p. 17. In his biography, Moon claims to have received a diploma from Waseda, but others have disputed this. For example, the Japanese newspaper Mainichi reported that his studies were interrupted. See Hauth, Vererinigungskirche, p. 8; Kim p. 9.
22. See especially Kim, p. 11 for the pikareum.
23. The year is controversial, although the date was apparently 22 February. Moon says this second North Korean imprisonment occurred in 1948, whereas Kim (p. 12) and others place it in 1949. In support of the earlier date, see ‘L’Eglise de L’Unification’, published in issue 7 (April 1975) of the Documents-Episcopat, the bulletin of the French Episcopal Conference, cited by Le Cabellec p. 35 [and Ryo Hagiwara 淫教のメシア•文鮮明伝 The Life of Sun Myung Moon – the Messiah of a Perverted Sex Religion (1991), p. 70 “Sun Myung Moon was first arrested by the security police on August 11, 1946. He was detained for three months at the Daedong police station. The charge was for causing social disorder, for alleged sexual immorality. (混淫 = “mixed dirty sex”). On February 22, 1948 Sun Myung Moon was arrested for a second time by the Interior Department for the coerced marriage with a housewife, Mrs Kim Chong-hwa. On April 27 he was sentenced to five years in Heungnam prison.”]
24. The source in question says that the North Koreans originally arrested Moon for heretical teachings and because ‘he was a spy for the President of South Korea’. See Matczak, p. 7. Normally, one would assume that this was merely proffered as a post facto justification for his arrest, but it is worth remembering given his later political activities. If Moon was a spy for South Korea, however, it seems odd that the North Koreans would have released him the first time rather than executing him. Boyer insists pp. 112-113 that Moon was not arrested for anti-communist activities because he had yet to become an anti-communist crusader. See Boyer, pp. 116-117 and 125. I am inclined to agree.
25. Yamamoto, p. 40; Le Cabellec, p. 36; Hauth, p. 12; Choi, p. 113.
26. Boyer, pp. 119-120.
27. For the ‘sex cult’ charge, see Kim, pp. 12-13; Yamamoto, pp. 20-21; Coates; Boettcher p. 35; Bromley and Shupe pp. 48-49. This suggestion was vehemently denied by Bo-Hi Pak in his testimony (Truth is My Sword pp. 41-43) and he produced a police report listing the charge as ‘violation of the military draft law’. But one cannot be certain as to its validity since another charge proffered by the Korean National Police was ‘forgery of official documents’. (KA Report p. 353). Others speak of ‘false imprisonment [by Moon of a 22-year old female student from Yonsei University for the purpose of converting her]’ (Tong-A Ilbo newspaper, cited in ibid, p. 353 note 434), expounding a ‘pseudo-religion’ (Hauth p12), or ‘injuring public morals’ (Choi p. 103).
28. Bromley and Shupe p. 49. But note that these authors tend to whitewash some of the UC’s least desirable traits and do not have access to the more detailed Korean and Japanese materials as Chong-Sun Kim does. Among these materials are Arao. [Bibliography of Chong-Sun Kim’s book.]
29. Moon himself claimed to have been subjected to government repression during this period, but Choi – herself an early Moonie – says that by 1956 Moon and his followers ‘were no longer regarded by the government as a heretical religious group disturbing the social order’. See Choi, p. 103. Here also, the truth is impossible to clarify, but is clear that the UC was looked upon much more favourably by the post-coup regime. This is clearly implied in the KA Report pp. 353-5. Cf. also Le Cabellec, pp. 153-4 and below.
30. For a discussion of the UC’s organization see below.
31. Ironically, The Divine Principle (DP) was not even written by Moon, but by his brilliant disciple Hyo-Won Eu ( [it was his cousin Hyo-min Eu] who invented the air gun that made Moon wealthy), though reputedly on the basis of Moon’s ‘divinely-inspired’ thoughts. See Boyer pp. 118-9; Yamamoto p. 19; Pement, p. 17, note 1. According to UC sources, the original text first appeared in 1952, and a first version was published in 1957. See Barker, pp. 38 and 264, note 7, citing Chung Hwan Kwak p. 2. This is corroborated by Mickler p. 5, who claims that Young-Oon Kim translated the Divine Principle into English in 1956. But due to the presence of some scriptural errors and various offensive passages it was subsequently revised and published anew in 1973. Herein all references to the DP are to the 1973 edition, which was reprinted by HSA-UWC in 1977. According to Boyer (p. 125), the anti-communist passages in the book were last-minute additions before it was published in 1957. If so, this would be of considerable significance.
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L’empire Moon – Jean-François Boyer (pp. 125-126)
Mais revenons aux origines : au contact de Bo Hi Pak et de ses recrues, Moon se politise. L’aversion primaire qu’il nourrit pour ses anciens geôliers de Heungnam trouve un fondement chez ces jeunes gens qui défendent la patrie contre les « rouges » et fréquentent l’état-major du « sauveur » américain. Il comprend aussi que personne ne peut devenir influent en Corée sans apparaître comme un leader anticommuniste crédible et efficace.
C’est à cette époque que le docteur Eu, le théoricien de l’Église, commence à travailler sur l’hypothèse qui fera toute l’originalité des « Principes divins » : le communisme est l’ennemi de Dieu. La première version, en coréen et en anglais, des « Principes divins » voit le jour en juillet 1957.
Moon réalise aussi que, pour être considéré par l’establishment, très méfiant à son égard depuis l’affaire d’Ewha, il lui faut se rendre indispensable. C’est-à-dire disposer d’une organisation nombreuse, riche et puissante, qu’il puisse rapidement mettre au service de la croisade anticommuniste. Une organisation qui jouira d’importants appuis dans les deux pays « tuteurs » de la Corée : le Japon et les États-Unis.
Voilà pourquoi, en juillet 1957, alors que l’Église est encore embryonnaire à Séoul, il lance simultanément une mission au Japon et dans cent vingt villes et villages de Corée du Sud. Deux ans plus tard, le professeur Young-Oon Kim et un autre membre fondateur de l’Église partent à la conquête des États-Unis.
La lente maturation politique de Sun Myung Moon va de pair avec la consolidation des structures de l’Église : fin 1959, une trentaine de centres d’évangélisation sont établis dans tout le pays ; en mars 1960, le « Nouveau Messie » donne un éclat tout particulier à son mariage avec Hak Ja Han, présenté aux fidèles comme la seule union bénie par Dieu depuis l’échec du couple originel Adam et Eve ; une semaine plus tard, c’est au tour de trois disciples des premiers jours de convoler en justes noces, jetant ainsi les bases de la « Famille unifiée », la famille idéale rêvée par Dieu quand il créa Adam et Eve…
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32. The following summary is derived from the relevant sections of the DP. For Man’s Fall, see Part 1, chapter 2, pp. 65-97; for Jesus’ failure, see especially Part 1, chapter 4, pp. 139-63; for the Lord of Second Advent, see especially Part 2, chapter 6, pp. 497-536 and passim. Those seeking a less tedious acquaintance with Moon’s beliefs can peruse the summaries found in Hunt pp. 105-20 and Yamamoto pp. 73-93.
33. In this area, Moon departs significantly from the traditional Christian interpretation, which holds that Christ’s death itself absolves Mankind from its sins. Moon suggests that Jesus succeeded in his attempt to facilitate Man’s spiritual perfection, but not in physically restoring human perfection. It is also worth noting that the blame which Moon had ascribed to the Jews for Jesus’ death has been interpreted as blatant anti-Semitism by Rabbi A. James Rudin in his study, though I think this is much overstated.
34. Here, it should be noted that Moon does not publicly claim to be the Second Messiah, for he is well aware that such a claim would be rejected by the vast majority of Christians who he wishes to unite under his banner. But this is a subterfuge, for he often implies just that to his followers. See, e.g. Yamamoto, pp. 87-8, Barker, pp. 83-4. See also Sudo, p. 160, for an explicit identification of Moon as the Lord of the Second Advent.
35. Pement, p. 12. Cf. also KA Reports p387, subsection (3).
36. Moos notes (‘Olive Tree Movement’, pp. 13-14) that this megalomania is characteristic of ‘New Religion’ leaders – it is not at all peculiar to Moon. Nor are his notions of Korea’s providential importance and the advent of a Korean messiah, both of which were fundamental to many New Religions, including the influential Chonndog Wan (the so-called Olive Tree Movement) led by Tae-Seon Park. See Palmer, ‘Introduction’ pp. 6-7 (a link to this is below).
37. Ibid. Moos, p. 14.
38. This interpretation may seem odd, but I don’t know how else certain passages on pp. 443-6 of the DP can be interpreted. Thus: ‘It is only natural for the Satanic world, which is headed toward a communistic society, to advocate socialism. This is because Satan would attempt to realize, in advance, the course of the Heavenly side going toward the socialistic system of economy…’ (p. 443, emphasis added); again: ‘The communist world is none other than this non-principled world in a pseudo-form of the Principle in which Satan realized in advance the imitation of the Kingdom of Heaven on earth, which God is going to restore’ (p. 445); and finally: ‘there will ultimately have to come a socialistic society centered on God’.(p. 444). This aspect of the DP was first brought to my attention in the fine article by rightist author Dinesh D’Souza, p. 32. It should be remembered that classical fascism and Nazism also had pronounced socialistic components in their ideological panoply. Perhaps more relevantly, a similar sort of ‘reversed communism’ has been noticeable in the ideologies of many post-war Japanese ultra-right movements. See Fujiwara, p. 77.
39. DP, p. 491.
40. Yamamoto, p. 66; Barker, pp. 176-9; Sontag, pp. 185-6.
41. Woodrow, p. 146. However, Japan’s Soka Gakkai and other Nichiren Buddhist sects are extremely active in the political sphere. See Ivan Morris, pp. 140-2. For more on Soka Gakkai see Brannan, Murata, and David Haselgrave, ‘Nichiren Shoshu Soka Gakkai: The Lotus Eaters in Modern Japan’, in Haselgrave (ed.) pp. 129-48; and White. For solid accounts of their electoral party (the Komeito) and its activities, see Ronald J. Hrebenar, ‘The Komeito: Party of “Buddhist Democracy”’, in Hrebnar, (ed.), pp. 147-80; and Arvin Palmer.
42. Woodrow, p. 146. Cf. also the testimony of Allen Tate Wood, a former leader of Moon’s Freedom Leadership Foundation in KCIA-1 p. 25. Barker, p.70, supports my interpretation.
43. The earliest dating is given by Boyer p. 125, who attributes this development to the influence of rightist Korean Army officers – including Bo-Hi Pak – that had become associated with the UC around that time. Others place the shift in the 1960s, including Yamamoto p. 18 and KA Reports p. 319. The latter points out that this coincided with the KCIA’s attempts to establish a broad anti-communist movement in South Korea. Yet virulent nationalism is characteristic of the ‘New Religions’ (Palmer, ‘Introduction’, pp. 5-7), and it can hardly be doubted that Moon’s imprisonment by the North Koreans evoked some personal bitterness towards communism. See Hauth, p. 30.
44. See KA Report especially pp. 22-4, 89-113, 354-72; KCIA-1 and:KCIA-2, passim. The following summary is based on the material found therein, supplemented by reliable secondary sources like Se-Jin Kim, pp. 111-18.
45. Se-Jin Kim, pp. 96-8; KA Report, p. 19.
46. KA Report p. 18; Sungjoo Han, pp. 170-7.
47. KA Report pp. 18-19; Se-Jin Kim, pp. 93-109. The most detailed blow-by-blow account of the coup is apparently the pro-junta work May 16 Kunsa hyongmyong ui chonmo (Seoul, Moonkwangsu, 1964). See also Se-Jin Kim, ‘National government and Politics in South Korea’, in Se-jin Kim and Cho, (eds.), p. 73.
48. Boettcher, pp. 15-16, 20. However C-S Kim points out (p. 63) that Park may have been an anti-communist infiltrator rather than a communist turncoat.
49. KA Reports, pp. 18-22. 50. Ibid., pp. 22-3.
50. Ibid., pp. 23 and 89; Se-Jin Kim, pp. 111-118.
51. KA Report, pp. 22-3, citing Se-Jen Kim, p. 111.
52. KA Report, p. 89. This merger was supposedly opposed by the U.S. CIA.
53. See ibid., p. 53.
54. For an organizational description of the KCIA, see Professor Gregory Henderson’s testimony in KCIA-2, pp. 5-9. He compares the KCIA to the Gestapo and the NKVD. See ibid., p. 3.
55. KA Report, p. 89.
56. Ibid.. Cf. J-H Kim, pp. 195-8; S-J Kim, ‘National Government’, in S-J Kim and Cho, (eds).
57. Turbyfill, pp. 14-5; John Saar et al.
58. For documentation see Letters from South Korea (Toyko, Iwanami Shoten, no date) and Harvey, both cited by Turbyfill, p. 15. In the same issue of the CAIB, see also Hunziker.
59. KA Report, p. 23. For details, see especially C.I. Eugene Kim, ‘The Third Republic’, in C. I. E. Kim and Y. W. Kim (eds.), pp. 25-34. Aside from the key role played by Jong-Pil Kim and other KCIA officials, the most distinctive aspect of the new party was its elaborate ‘two-stem’ organization. In addition to a democratic Representative stem, Kim established an undemocratic KCIA-controlled parallel stem known as the Secretariat. As C. I. Eugene Kim notes (ibid. p. 33), ‘[t]he secretariat structure, as in some totalitarian political systems, could be an awesome instrument of control by one man’, so much so that other military coup leaders organized a DRP faction which opposed Jong-Pil Kim’s political machinations, the so-called ‘anti-Main Current’ group. For more on these DRP factional struggles, see Kwan-Song Kim, pp. 181-216.
60. In other words, it may have been Jong-Pil Kim who created the disciplined, hierarchical ‘communist-like’ structure that today characterises the UC. But even if he did not, he certainly would have recognized its potentialities for clandestine and covert operations. The precise role that he played cannot be determined until the phases of the UC’s organizational development can be further specified. See further, below.
61. Boyer, pp. 125 and especially 129; Boettcher, pp. 39-40. In fact, Kim seems to have made the UC’s subsequent economic growth possible by seeing that its business ventures in Korea were awarded government contracts. (Boyer, pp. 139-40) and perhaps arranging for Moon to meet key Japanese financiers like Ryoichi Sasagawa. For more on the Japanese connection, see below.
62. See, e.g. Han, ‘Political Parties and Elections in South Korea’ in S-J Kim and Cho, (eds.); C. I. Eugene Kim, ‘Third Republic and DRP’ in Kim and Young, (eds.), 1976, pp. 33-4. It should be pointed here that Korean political factions develop around highly respected ‘dominant personalities’, who are thence obediently served by coteries of followers. See S-J Kim, ‘National Government’ in S-J Kim and Cho, (eds.). Jong-Pil Kim was one such personality. For indications of factionalism within the KCIA, see KA Report, pp. 96, 99 etc…
63. For the KCIA, see S-J Kim (1971), p. 156.
64.Boyer pp. 137-8.
65. KA Report, p. 354.
66. This phase is Boyer’s (p. 123).
67. Ibid., pp. 122-3.
68. Ibid., p. 125. He claims that these four transformed Moon into the rabid anti-communist he is today.
69. This short biography is derived from sections of the KA Report; Pak’s own testimony reproduced in Pak (1978) pp. 2-6; and a biographical sheet passed out at the first conference of CAUSA-USA – a Moon political front – held in San Francisco on 4-8 March, 1985.
70. KA-4 Supplement, p. 468.
71. Testimony of Robert Roland in KCIA-1, pp. 14-15; cf. Boettcher, pp. 40-41.
72. KA Report, p. 24.
73. Ibid., p. 354; Boyer, p. 124. He also served as an aide to several US Eighth Army commanders.
74. KA Report, p. 354; Boyer, pp. 123-4. Steve Kim also ‘probably’ served as Tong-Sun Park’s ‘control’ officer, according to KA Report, p. 363.
75. This particular staff position frequently serves as a cover for intelligence operatives, and indeed Bo-Hi Pak occupied a similar position from 1961 to 1964. See supra, note 71.
76. KA Report, p. 354; Boyer, p. 124.
77. Boettcher, p. 40.
78. KA Report, p. 96.
79. Testimony of Wood, KCIA-1, p. 21; Woodrow, p. 152. For an example, see Yamamoto, pp. 27-8.
80. KA Report, p. 355.
81. Ibid.; Boyer, p. 127.
82. For T’ong-Il’s contracts, see KA Report pp. 366-9. For the weapons produced, see ibid., pp. 326 and 368. There is some controversy about the M-16s.
[ Sun Myung Moon and weapons manufacturing:
http://howwelldoyouknowyourmoon.tumblr.com/post/145933930243/sun-myung-moon-and-weapons-manufacturing
Kook Jin Moon: “Yeah, we made the Vulcan cannon. We actually started with air rifles. Then the M1 carbine. We’ve made the Vulcan cannon, the 400 mm cannon…” (November 2011)
http://howwelldoyouknowyourmoon.tumblr.com/post/98049761683/ffwpu-uc-business-manufactured-the-vulcan-20mm ]
83. Ibid.,p. 365; testimony of Jai-Hyon Lee, KCIA-1, pp. 9 and 27.
84. MS, 22 September 1974, p. 6.
85. KA Report, p. 384.
86. This is the image one generally finds in ‘official’ UC sources as well as those hostile to the church. See e.g., Barker, pp. 42-3; Sontag, pp. 79 and 93.
87. C-S Kim, p. 15.
88. Boyer, p. 125.
89. See below.
90. C-S Kim, p. 17.
91. Ibid.; Boyer, pp. 125-6.
92. C-S Kim, p. 21.
93. Choi. In his introduction to the volume in which Choi’s article appears, Palmer (pp. 9-10) describes her UC background. Since Choi’s description is completely lacking in time references, it is impossible to determine what period it refers to, though it must at least be accurate for the mid-1960s. [She joined in 1954 and had left by the early 1960s but had many contacts within the movement]. She was in a ‘trinity’ with two other early members. She has a son, Douglas Dong-moon Joo, who has/had a senior position in the UC, inc The Washington Times.]
http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2016/jan/31/syn-duk-choi-mother-scholar-and-teacher-dies-at-95/
94. Choi, p. 104.
95. Ibid., pp. 104-6 and 113.
96. One can easily verify this by consulting the voluminous literature on communist organizational techniques. A particularly thorough description of such an infrastructure (in the Vietnamese context) is provided by Pike, esp. pp. 109-231. It is also worth noting that many counter insurgency specialists, e.g. French proponents of guerre revolutionnaire, have advocated establishing the same sort of cross-cutting structures to counteract revolutionary attempts to mobilize popular support.
97. Choi, p. 104. Cf. also a 4 January 1985 intelligence memo, reproduced in KA-4 Supplement, p. 460, and Sontag p. 7, who lists ways in which Unificationism ‘mirrors’ communism.
98. Choi, p. 106. The UC also paid influential locals to join the church, according to another intelligence memo. See KA-4 Supplement, p. 458.
99. For an outline of the ROK bureaucratic administration, see Cho in S-J Kim and C-H Cho (eds.), pp. 91-126.
100. Cf. McFarland, pp. 84-87. Interestingly, the Park regime also gave the Olive Tree Movement a ‘rather free rein’, although it had been persecuted by Rhee and Myong Chang. This movement also developed a highly-centralized structure, making one wonder how much the success and organizational elaboration of various New Religions depended upon government patronage. See Moos, pp. 17-18.
101. KA Report, p. 313.
102. Ibid., p. 334.
103. Pak testimony in KA-4, p. 171.
104. KA Report, p. 323.
105. KCIA-1, p. 34. According to a December 1964 intelligence report, Pak and Bud Han created KCFF to help organize the UC in Washington. See KA-4 Supplement, pp. 459-60.
106. KA Report, p. 324.
107. Ibid., pp. 324-5.
108. For more on APACL, see below. For more on the FC, see the pamphlet Freedom Center (Seoul, APACL-ROK, no date). More interesting is the excerpt printed therein from Jong-Pil Kim’s speech at the 2nd Extraordinary Conference regarding the founding of the FC. Among other things, Kim said: ‘The Republic of Korea government is willing to give whatever aid is necessary to the establishment and subsequent growth of such an organization….’. According to a financial statement in that pamphlet, the ROK government had already contributed $US796,231 for the FC’s establishment, and was engaged in raising another $US830,770 from other Korean sources. See ibid., pp. 35 and 54.
109. KA Report, p. 356.
110. Ibid.
111. Ibid., p. 357. This may well have been the ‘additional assignment’ Pak listed on his US visa application in January 1965 (ibid., p. 364), which would indicate that he was still employed by the ROK government while working for the KCFF, since he took over the latter the very day he was formally discharged from the army. See ibid., pp. 324 and 364.
112. Ibid., pp. 118-9 and 323. Curtin’s intelligence background is indicated by John Roberts (1978) p. 15. He had earlier served as an advisor to the Korean Second Army, and also opened an APACL office in Washington DC in 1964.
113. KA Reports, p. 356. Mickey Kim was an aide to both Jong-Pil Kim and Chong-Kyu Park, head of the ROK Presidential Protective Force. He also became head of the World Tae Kwon Do (karate) Association, which received KCFF payments (ibid., p. 363). This is interesting in light of the fact that martial arts societies in Japan often serve as covers for underworld yakuza and extreme right groups. See Roberts (1978) p. 11 as an example. Note also that another important UC member named Jhoon Rhee owns a chain of Karate shops in the U.S.. (KA Report, p. 317). According to Boyer (p. 130) Rhee may have been involved in training a private security force for the UC.
114. KA-4 Supplement, p. 462.
115. KA Report, p. 358.
116. Ibid. The first was Kyong-Eup Kim, one of Jong-Pil Kim’s aides and interpreters following the coup. When his KCIA links were discovered in September 1966 (ibid., p. 120) he was replaced by Dong-Sun Kim, yet another KCIA officer.
117. KA-4 Supplement, p. 517.
118. Ibid., pp. 462-3; KA Report, p. 121. Henderson identifies the Eighth KCIA Bureau as the one responsible for psywar, but he seems to be wrong.
119. KA Report, p. 355.
120. Ibid., p. 358.
121. Testimony of Wood, KCIA-1, pp. 32-3. Cf. also that of Jai-Hyon Lee in ibid., pp. 8-9.
122. KA Report, p. 386.
123. Ibid., pp. 343-5.
124. See ibid., pp. 325-8.
125. Testimony of Jai-Hyon Lee, KCIA-1, pp. 9 and 22-3.
126. See below.
127. KA Report, p. 389.
128. Testimony in KCIA-1, pp. 39-40. He described Moon’s method as follows: ‘You make yourself available to serve…. You carry out… orders. Then finally when your services are indispensable, then you begin to dictate policy….. Basically, it is the “I am going to serve you to death” approach’.
129. MS, 23 February 1977, p. 11.
130. KA Report, p. 352. Cf. also pp. 347-8, and Boyer, pp. 127 and 136. He points out that mainstream churches and factions within the ROK Army were leery of, if not overtly hostile to, Moon and the UC.
131. KA Report, p. 100. The PPF formed a power bloc that rivalled the KCIA.
132. Cf. the view of Boyer (p. 133). But one should also remember the prominence in Korea of the so-called sadae, or ‘serve the stronger’ (and abuse the weaker) policy. See C-S Kim p. 58.
133. For South Korea’s human rights record, see Amnesty International (1975).
134. As of this writing, only one full-length study has appeared on WACL. See Anderson and Anderson. This is an excellent journalistic overview of WACL activities, particularly in Latin America, but it is no substitute for a detailed historical investigation of the organization.
135. Charles Goldman, p. 21. This article was originally published in an anthology edited by Eric Jensen and Petter Sommerfelt, Under Daeke (Copenhagen, Demos, 1978), then translated from the Danish by E. C. Reed.
136. Details regarding APACL’s founding and early history can be found in four pamphlets published by the Chinese branch of APACL: see APACL 1956, 1957, 1958 and 1960. According to the first of these, the groundwork for establishing APACL was laid at a 15 June 1954 conference at Chinhae, South Korea, which was attended by representatives from Taiwan, South Korea, Vietnam, Thailand and the Philippines. The idea was apparently first proposed by Syngman Rhee (APACL, Developments, 1956, pp. 1-5), the man hand-picked by the U.S. to head South Korea’s postwar regime. Cf. also Allen, p. 188.
137. For the American role in the creation of both the APACL and WACL, see the summary judgement of the Andersons, pp. 54-5. Cf. also Laurent, p. 299, and Chairoff, p. 461, who claims that both organizations were founded by the CIA and the ‘special services’ of NATO and SEATO. However Chairoff is a neo-fascist and intelligence operative posing as a left-wing journalist and his information must be viewed with more than usual scepticism.
138. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 47 and 51-2. Cf. also Goldman, p. 21, Kruger, p. 124 and Scott, p. 204, for the involvement of KMT personnel in the Chinese APACL branch.
139. For KMT control of the lucrative drug trade see McKoy, pp. 126-45, 246-7 and 319-22; Lamour and Lamberti, pp. 93-115; Browning and Garrett, pp. 32-9. For background information on earlier KMT drug operations see Marshall (1976), pp. 19-48. For the CIA’s involvement see McKoy, pp. 90-145 and passim. This is even admitted in Christopher Robbins’ rather romanticised history of the CIA’s proprietary airline, Air America, an outfit which was largely responsible for logistical support of said drug smuggling operations. See Robbins, pp. 225-43. For drug-related funding of APACL, see Goldman, pp. 21-2 and Kruger, pp. 13, 125 and 152, note 47. The latter cites the example of a Laotian APACL official arrested by Parisian police for possession of 60 kilos of heroin. The Andersons suggest that APACL was also partially financed through little-scrutinized CIA discretionary funds and/or U.S. Embassy Counterpart Funds transmitted through Ray Cline, CIA Chief of Station in Taiwan from 1958-62 and now a disinformation specialist at Georgetown University’s Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). See Anderson and Anderson, pp. 54-5. For more on CSIS see Landis.
140. See, e.g., APACL (1956); idem, New Development, Appendix II, article 3 of APACL-ROC constitution.
141. For an extensive list of APACL-ROC publications see the back pages of Chung.
142. Scott, p. 204.
143. APACL (1956), pp. 14-18.
144. See ibid., pp. 35-6 for a list of China Lobby associated organizations linked to APACL. Cf. also idem, APACL (1957) pp. 20-1. For the pernicious influence of the China Lobby on American foreign and domestic policies, see especially Koen. This excellent study was originally published in 1960, but was suppressed at that time by hardline elements within and outside of the US government, who thence published a McCarthyite work in response – Davis and Hunter (1963). For more on APACL’s American connections see Scott, p. 204.
145. APACL (1956) pp. 17-18 and 20; idem APACL (1957) pp. 53-4 and 1960 p. 50. The ABN is an umbrella group coordinating the activities of various anti-communist emigre organizations from eastern Europe and other former (?) Soviet-controlled ‘Captive Nations’, many of whose members were Nazi collaborators during World War II. See Anderson and Anderson, pp. 10-45 for some background information on the east European fascists and Nazis who were incorporated into the ABN, which they characterise as the ‘largest and most important umbrella for Nazi collaborators in the world’. See ibid., p. 35. Cf. Chairoff, pp. 420-1.
146. APACL (1956), pp. 19-20; idem (1957), p. 50. The NTS, often mistranslated as the Union of Russian Solidarists, was an ideologically confused ‘left’ fascist Great Russian emigre organization which ended up opportunistically cooperating with the Nazis. See Dvinov, pp. 117-48.
147. APACL (1957), pp. 30-4. According to Anderson and Anderson (p. 79) the CIADC was a continent-wide ‘front group’ set up by the Mexican anti-Semitic secret society Tecos to coordinate parallel police, i. e. ‘death squad’, activities throughout Latin America. Aside from the Tecos, on whom see infra, note 159, a key organization behind the CIADC was a Brazilian ultra-rightist group known as the Cruzada Brasileria Anticomunista (CBA) headed by Admiral Carlos Penna Botto.
148. See ‘Groundwork for World Anti-Communist Congress for Freedom and Liberation Laid by Conference in Mexico City’, in Ukrainian Quarterly 14:1 (March 1958), pp. 63-76; Goldman, pp. 22-3. Not coincidentally, the Fourth Anti-Communist Continental Congress held by CIADC in Antigua, Guatemala, later that same year also included, ‘for the first time’, representatives from Taiwan, ANB, the US and the Middle East. For this see CIADC (1961), p. 19. For a full list of participants, see pp. 413-18.
149. Goldman, p. 22. Despite its official sounding name, the ASC is a private right-wing organization dating from the McCarthy period. It was founded in 1955 as the Mid-American Research Library by former FBI personnel and funded by leading ‘security-conscious’ American corporations. Renamed the ASC in 1956, it originally concerned itself with amassing extensive files on supposed left-wing ‘subversives’, which were then provided to 3500 fee-paying firms; but eventually it developed into a powerful ‘national security’ lobby with a variety of front groups and high-level government connections. See especially the account by ex-FBI agent Turner, pp. 197-214. Its members are linked to every organization that subsequently became the official American chapter of WACL.
150. The VFF is a ‘private’ anti-communist vigilante group established in the 1950s that has been partially subsidized by the Bonn government. See the marvellously-researched study by Tauber, pp. 323 and 356. Like the ASC, it collected dossiers on leftists, real or imagined, and, like the ABN, it numbered many ex-Nazis among its staff.
151. Plans for creating something like WACL actually go back to at least 1957, when proposals called for a ‘world peoples’ anti-Communist Congress’. But WACL itself was not chartered until the Twelfth APACL conference held in Seoul in November 1966, and it was not formally established until 25 September 1967 in Taipei. This was also the date of the first WACL conference, which was attended by 230 delegates from 64 nations and 15 ‘international anti-communist organizations’. See WACL (1968), p. i. For more thorough information on participants at this opening conference, see WACL (1967), pp. 2-12. At the time of writing this essay, WACL still maintained offices in both Seoul and Taipei. See Conasen and Waas, p. 19.
152. Cadena, p. 228. e.g., the WACL charter begins thus: ‘We, the freedom-loving peoples of the world, being dedicated to the cause of human dignity, peace and democracy based on justice, self-determination and independence of nations……are finally determined to preserve justice and freedom and to fight the Communist efforts to enslave humanity.’ WACL (1968), p. 1.
153. Union of International Associations, entry F3454.
154. Valentine, p. C2.
155. Chairoff, p. 461 emphasizes the hidden agendas of WACL, and also provides much material on the rivalries between ‘allied’ Western intelligence bureaucracies throughout his study.
156. Valentine, pp. C1 and C2. For WACL’s schizophrenic membership, see Cadena, p. 228, and Laurent, p. 298. However, one should not exaggerate the contrast between WACL’s earlier ‘respectability’ and recent ‘degeneration’. As we have seen above, east European collaborator terrorists became affiliated with APACL very early on through the ABN and NTS, and the personnel of its Asian chapters were far from being democrats or humanitarians.
157. Valentine, p. C2. In my opinion, however, many of the power fluctuations within WACL are not the result of struggles between moderates and extremists, but of struggles among extremists linked to rival intelligence services, over control of WACL’s resources and focus.
158. Ibid.; Conasen and Waas, p. 22; Laurent pp. 299-300; Anderson and Anderson pp. 85-90, 93-103 and 138-49. I have so far been unable to obtain copies of these memos.
159. See Possony. Cf. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 71-2 and 78-81; Chairoff pp. 363-4. The Tecos were represented in CAL through their front group the Federacion Mexicana Anticommunista de Occidente (FEMACO). See Congreso Regional Anticommunista de Occidente (1967) for a glorified self-portrayal of the organization’s goals and ideas. For more on the Tecos’ and FEMACO’s links to death squads, see the Jack Anderson columns dated 26 January, 1 February and 9 February 1984; and Manuel Buenida (especially the three columns he wrote before his death, which are reprinted on pp. 159-67). Some investigators have recently suggested that the Tecos themselves murdered Buenida after the publication of said articles. See Rothschild, pp. 22-3.
160. Valentine, pp. C1 and C2. Among these were Italy’s legal ‘neo-fascist’ political party, the Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI), represented by its leaders Giorgio Almirante, and the anti-Semitic Liberty Lobby, represented by its chief, Willis A. Carto. The only full-length study of the Liberty Lobby is the excellent Mintz.
161. Conasen and Waas, pp. 22; Anderson and Anderson, pp. 96-100. For more on Pearson see Valentine, p. C2; Beresford, p. 3; Jaroslovsky, p. 50.
162. The term ‘parafascist’ is borrowed from Peter Dale Scott, who differentiates them from fascists ‘because their primary concern is neither ideology nor a mass movement, but rather to function covertly in the service of, or parallel to, intelligence bureaucracies’. See his introduction to Kruger, p. 13. However, in the absence of ideology, one may well wonder what makes people fascists.
163. Conasen and Waas, pp. 22 and 122; Anderson and Anderson, p. 255. The primary example is, of course, the Tecos, who dissolved their exposed front groups CAL and FEMACO and created a new one, the Federacion de Entidades Democratica en America Latina (FEDAL), which is now a WACL member.
164. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 82-91, 153-5 and 263-4.
165. Union of International Associations, vol. 1, F3454.
166. Ibid., vol. 1, G1366. Alpha 66 is a prominent anti-Castro paramilitary organization supposedly founded by Cuban exiles in June 1962, and most authorities agree that it is one of the most violent and effective of all such outfits. Unlike most terrorist groups like Orlando Bosch’s Omega 7 and the Falangist-inspired Movimiento Nacionalista Cubana (MNC), which operate primarily within the U.S. and other countries outside Cuba, Alpha 66 generally initiates sabotage and paramilitary raids on the island itself. See, e.g., McColm and Maier, p. 16.
167. Union of International Associations, vol. 1, O337.
168. Ibid., vol. 1, G0227. For more on Butler and the Australian League of Rights, see Campbell (1978) and Gott. See also the publications of Butler himself, including The Truth about the Australian League of Rights: A. Phillip Adams’ Invitation Accepted (Melbourne, Heritage, 1985), The International Jew: the Truth about the ‘Protocols of Zion’ (Adelaide, no publisher, 1946), and The Red Pattern of World Conquest: Is it now too late to defeat Communism? (Melbourne, Australian League of Rights, 1961). For its New Zealand analogue, see Spoonley.
169. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 9 and 282. On the strategy of tension see sources cited in Bale; and especially Flamini. For more on ON, see Minna, especially pp. 33-5; and Ferraresi, pp. 62-6. To these must be added the extraordinarily valuable revelations of convicted neo-fascist terrorist and ‘political soldier’ Vincenzo Vinciguerra (1989).
170. Anderson and Anderson, p. 101. FNu was established as a legal ‘national right’ political party in the early 1970s, although a journal of the same name and political orientation had already appeared during the 1960s. While not strictly speaking a terrorist organization, a few youthful members of FNu were involved in the 1977 massacre of five leftist lawyers in Madrid, on which see the special edition of Cuadernos para el Dialogo, 5 February 1977.
171. Anderson and Anderson, p. 270. I have not come across any detailed studies of CMA. Most of what is known about the group can be found in scattered newspaper articles.
172. For Sandoval and the MLN see ibid., pp. 162-86, etc.; McClintock, pp. 169 and 195.
173. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 193-210. On D’Aubuisson’s links to his country’s parallel police, see especially Allan Nairn, p. 19.
174. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 41 and 283. For the HRB’s Ustase inspiration and operations, see Clissold p. 15. Chairoff claims (p. 433) that the HRB has strong links to both the CIA and NATO’s ‘special services’.
175. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 138-49.
176. Delle Chiaie definitely appeared at CAL’s September 1980 conferences in Buenos Aires (Anderson and Anderson, p. 147) and may have also attended the Twelfth WACL Conference held in Asuncion, Paraguay in April of 1979, reputedly the most ‘Nazified’ of all WACL meetings. See Clarkson (1986), p. 52. For a general overview of Delle Chiaie’s career, see Christie. For more on AN, see Mina, especially pp. 35-6; Ferraresi, pp. 66-71.
177. Goldman, p. 18. However, one should note that Goldman’s use of the term ‘fascist’ is not all precise, a wearisomely typical trait, especially among leftists.
178. Clarkson (1986), pp. 50 and 52. For the CAL expulsion see ‘WACL finally expels one pro-Fascist organization’, Public Eye 4:3-4 (Summer 1984), pp. 4-5. Despite these clean-up efforts, Singlaub himself denied that WACL was ever a gathering place for racists and extremists in a letter to New York Times, 19 September 1985. For more on the ‘new WACL’ see Anderson and Anderson, pp. 150-1 and 252-61.
179. Ibid., pp. 124-5. Note that they dismiss this statement as an example of ‘heavenly deception’ and suggest that it reflected Moon’s anger over his inability to take over WACL.
180. Ibid., pp. 50-4. Indeed, Park and his colleagues revamped the organization and made it into an even more important instrument of South Korean foreign policy than it had been under Rhee.
181. See below, note 255.
182. Mickler, p. 93. Much of Mickler’s information on Choi and the early Japanese UC is based on a transcribed talk with Choi’s first disciple, Michiko Matsumoto.
183. Ibid., pp. 93-6.
184. Ibid., pp. 96-8.
185. Ibid., pp. 98-9. Cf. also C-S Kim, pp. 15-16, for Choi’s early failures.
186. Mickler, p. 99; C-S Kim, p. 16; Barker, p. 49. In his masterful study of the Japanese ultra-right, Ivan Morris said that the Rissho Korei Kai, like other Nichiren Buddhist sects, ‘revealed the type of nationalist fervour that…can so easily spill over into the political field’. See Morris, p. 140. As we shall see, the association between the Rissho Korei Kai and the GU does not seem to have been coincidental.
187. Mickler, pp. 99-101.
188. For indications of the Japanese UC’s wealth, see e.g. Boyer, pp. 159-62; Anderson and Anderson, p. 68.
189. The quoted characterization is that of Richard J. Samuels, ‘Power Behind the Throne’, in MacDougall (ed.), p.128. Curiously, however, only the nemawashi appears in his summary of kuromaku methods.
190. Kaplan and Dubro, p. 78. For more general background on these rightist kuromako, see Nakamura, pp. 16-19; Halloran, p. 2; Roberts (1973), p. 14.
191. Dixon, pp. 211-212.
192. Anderson and Anderson, p. 125. There is some question in my mind as to whether he was a ‘lieutenant’ of Kodama’s as early as 1962, or whether he only became one later. The precise dating could have explanatory significance.
193. Ibid., p. 68. Cf. also Roberts (1978), p. 14.
194. Dixon, p. 212. According to Wolfgang Seifert, the former organization was the ‘most important of the new anti-communist religious sects’ in Japan with links to the extreme right. See Seifert (1977), p. 117, note 26. Later, the Genri Kenkyu Kai claimed to have severed its links to the GU, but this is quite doubtful in view of its simple adoption of a new name. See Dixon, pp. 210-212.
195. Kapla and Dubro, pp. 32-5. For more on the Genyo Sha, see Norman, pp. 261-84.
196. The following biographical information is derived from Morris, especially pp. 443-4; Dixon, pp. 74-83; Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 63-9 and 78-83; and Seifert, pp. 139-46. Key Japanese sources on Kodama include Ino; Otsuka, pp. 145-54; and Tachibana, vol. 2, pp. 140-280. Cf. Kodama’s own account of his prewar and wartime career in Kodama (1951).
197. For Kodama’s connections, see especially Hanzawa, pp. 243-5; and Dixon, p. 76.
198. Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 65-6; Dixon, pp. 76-7; Hougan, p. 455. For more on the drug trafficking, see Thorpe, p. 219, where Kodama is described as a ‘tough character… who was to the narcotics racket in Japan what Al Capone once was to the liquor traffic in America’. For a somewhat superficial overview of the Kempei Tai, see Deacon.
199. Kodama gave a rather strange account of his imprisonment in his Sugamo Diary (1960).
200. For biographical information on Sasagawa, see Roberts (1978); Dixon, pp. 98-101; Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 79-81; Anderson and Anderson, pp. 61-3; Morris, p. 449; and ‘Sasagawa Ryoichi:Impresario of the Japanese Right’, in Ampo 6:1 (Winter 1974), pp. 43-5. Note that this last contains many errors.
201. Roberts (1978), p. 10; Dixon, p. 98.
202. Roberts (1978), p. 9.
203. G-2 report of 24 May 1947, cited by Hougan, p. 456.
204. Cited by Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 79-80.
205. On this feud see Kaplan and Dubro, p. 46, and Roberts (1979), p. 397. Hans H. Baerwald notes that G-2 could not be relied upon ‘to track… down purgees who were engaging in illegal activities’ because of Willoughby’s ‘outright opposition’ to the purge policy. See his essay ‘The Purge in Occupied Japan’, in Wolfe (ed.).
206. See especially Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 57-63. Many of the recruited ultra-nationalists served in the notorious Hattori Kikan, an ‘anti-communist spy agency attached to Willoughby’s G-2 section’. According to Roberts (1979) p. 407, among these was Tetsuzo Watanabe, who became an important figure in APACL and, later, the UC-affiliated WACL branch in Japan.
207. Roberts (1978) pp. 10-11; Kaplan and Dubro, p. 66.
208. Kaplan and Dubro (pp. 66-9), provide the most details regarding Kodama’s recruitment and use by Willoughby’s G-2 and, later, the CIA. But cf. also Roberts (1978) p. 11; Hougan, p. 457; Hurst, p. 4; D’Emilia, p. 66.
209. Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 67-8.
210. Ibid., p. 67.
211. Dixon, p. 77.
212. For the sum, see Fukai p. 43. For Tsuji see Kaplan and Dubro p. 67. For the LP, DP and LDP background, see Tomita et al, ‘The Liberal Democratic Party: the Ruling Party of Japan’, in Hrebnar (ed.) 1986, pp. 253-5.
213. See Dixon, pp. 78-9. For Ono’s gangster links, see Kaplan and Dubro, p. 82.
214. Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 101-23; Hurst, p. 5; and especially Boulton. Kodama had been a paid agent of Lockheed since 1958 and received $U.S.7 million for his help in arranging the TriStar aircraft deal.
215. Dixon, p. 79.
216. Ibid., p. 80.
217. Nakamura, p. 19. Cf. also Dixon, pp. 80-1; Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 84-86.
218. Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 94-5; Rome, pp. 228-9.
219. Kaplan and Dubro, p. 99; Rome, pp. 230-1; Dixon, p. 80.
220. Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 98-9.
221. Ibid., p. 87; Dixon, p. 90.
222. For more on Sagoya’s background, see Dixon, pp. 91-5.
223. Ibid., pp. 90-2; Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 87-8.
224. Dixon, pp. 85-6; Kaplan and Dubro, p. 88.
225. Dixon, pp. 86-8; Kaplan and Dubro, p. 88.
226. Dixon, pp. 88-90; Seifert, p. 122. For more on Kodama’s own political ideology see Seifert, pp. 188-201 and 259-65.
227. Anderson and Anderson, p. 69.
228. Roberts (1978), pp. 8 and 11; Dixon, p. 99; Kaplan and Dubro, p. 80.
229. Roberts (1978), p. 11.
230. Among other things, Sasagawa has served as a middleman between Japanese oil companies and Middle Eastern oil sheikhs. See ibid., p. 9.
231. Sasagawa himself has estimated his personal wealth at $U.S.50 million, according to Roberts (1978), p. 8. Among the numerous charities and organizations he regularly donates money to is the United Nations! See e.g. Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 260-1; Fay Wiley et al, p. 67.
232. Halloran, p. 2.
233. For this organization see Morris, pp. 242-3. Among its postwar members were Yoshida and Bamboku Ono.
234. Kaplan and Dubro, p. 80; Roberts (1978), p. 12.
235. Dixon, p. 99; Hougan, p. 459. Not coincidentally, Kodama is head of the Japan Professional Wrestling Association.
236. For the ‘legacies’ of the Japanese occupation, see C-S Lee, pp. 1-22.
237. See ibid., pp. 23-42; K-B Kim, pp. 1-22.
238. Allen, p. 188.
239. C-S Lee, p. 49. For Rhee’s attitude towards the Japanese see, e.g. Allen, pp. 183-190 (especially the quote on 189).
240. See, e.g. Hahn, ‘Policy Toward Japan’, in Koo and Han (eds.), p. 172.
241. C-S Lee, pp. 47-49
242. K-B Kim, pp. 87-90. These same ‘allies’ were also engaged in promoting pro-Taiwan policies through the Ajia Mondai Kenkyu Kai (Asia Problems Research Association) or ‘A-Group’. See e.g. White, pp. 79-80 and note 1, p. 80.
243. See e.g. Seiffert, p. 116, note 20.
244. Hahn in Koo and Han (eds.), p. 172.
245. For Kim’s visits to Japan see Chang, pp. 142-5.
246. Ibid., passim.
247. Dixon, p. 82. Note also that Kim and Park developed close links with two organizations associated with Kodama, the Matsuba Kai and Machii’s Tosei Kai. For the former see Axelbank, p. 101. As regards the latter, note that Machii helped the KCIA kidnap ROK dissident Dae-Jung Kim from a Tokyo hotel in 1973. See Kaplan and Dubro, pp. 189-97.
248. Cited by Dixon, p. 82. (The emphasis is mine.) The reference is to Otsuka (1970), p. 203.
249. For Ono and Kodama, see Dixon, pp. 81-2; for Kim see Lee, pp. 50-1; and especially Hinton, pp. 50-1, where it is pointed out that Kim was able to accumulate ‘an enormous private fortune, partly it appears from presents and bribes offered by Japanese firms eager for favors of one kind or another’.
250. Roberts (1978), p. 14; Kaplan and Dubro, p. 80.
251. Dixon, p. 100.
252. See above.
253. Anderson and Anderson, p. 69. Cf. Roberts (1978), p. 14. Fred Clarkson (1987) claims that Kodama himself was at this meeting, but cites no source for this.
254. Anderson and Anderson, p. 69.
255. KA Report, p. 319.
256. Anderson and Anderson, p. 69. In this respect it was more successful in Japan than in South Korea. As Boyer has pointed out (pp. 136-7 and 249), the main IFVC branch in Korea was unable to dominate or supplant the APACL/WACL chapter there, due mainly to the hostility of many ROK military leaders to Moon and his UC.
257. Dixon, pp. 101 and 214.
258. See especially ibid., pp. 209-212.
259. Boyer, p. 250.
260. Dixon, pp. 101 and 212-14; Roberts (1978), p. 15. A brief message to this conference from Sato was reprinted in WACL/APACL (1970), p. 10.
261. To discern this, one has only to peruse various issues of different WACL publications, such as the WACL Bulletin and Asian Outlook.
262. Anderson and Anderson provide numerous examples. Perhaps the most infamous was the involvement of the UC’s newest political front group, the Confederacion para la Asociacion y Unidad de las Sociedades de America (CAUSA) in funding and otherwise aiding the overthrow of the Bolivian government by right-wing military officers, narcotraficantes, Argentine intelligence operatives, and European neo-fascists. See e.g. LAB/IEPALA, p. 125 and Kai Hermann.
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(November 25, 2013) https://newrepublic.com/article/115512/unification-church-profile-fall-house-moon
Breen, Michael – Sun Myung Moon, the early years, 1920-53, Hurstpierpoint, UK, Refuge Books, 1997
Clarkson, Frederick – Eternal Hostility: Struggle Between Theocracy and Democracy. Monroe, Maine, U.S.: Common Courage Press (1997)
Cumings, Bruce – Korea’s Place in the Sun, A Modern History. New York: W.W. Norton and Company (2005)
Cumings, Bruce – The Korean War: A History. USA: Modern Library – reprint edition (2011)
Gorenfeld, John – Bad Moon Rising (how the Reverend Sun Myung Moon created the Washington Times, seduced the religious right, and built his Kingdom). Sausalito, CA, USA: PoliPointPress (2008)
Gratzer, Birgit and Paine, Harold Paine – Rev. Moon and the United Nations: A challenge for the NGO community – Background Paper 01.11.2001 [digital]
http://www.weed-online.org/show/17841.html
Hagiwara, Ryo 萩原 遼 – 淫教のメシア文鮮明伝 The Life of Sun Myung Moon – the Messiah of a Perverted Sex Religion Japan (1991)
LINK to Japanese
Hong, Nansook – In the Shadow of the Moons: My Life In The Reverend Sun Myung Moon’s Family. Boston, USA: Little, Brown and Company. (1998)
Kang, Wi Jo (1976) – The Unification Church: Christian Church or Political Movement. pp 19-32 in Japanese Religions Vol. 9 July 1976 No. 2. A magazine issued by the NCC Center for the Study of Japanese Religions Kyoto, Japan; also published in The Unification Church: Views from the Outside (1990) edited with an introduction by Michael L. Mickler. New York: Garland Publishing
Kim, Myeong-hui 김명희 – Moon Sun Myung’s Identity ( 문선명의 정체 ) Korea (1987) LINK to Korean
Lee, Sang Hun – Communism – a Critique and Counter Proposal. Washington, D.C.: Freedom Leadership Foundation (1973)
Mickler, Michael L. (Editor) – The Unification Church: Views from the Outside edited with an introduction by Michael L. Mickler. New York: Garland Publishing (1990)
Mook, Jane Day – “New Growth on Burnt-Over Ground” pages 30-36
A.D. magazine (of the Presbyterian Historical Society) USA (May 1974)
Naylor, R.T. – Hot Money and the Politics of Debt, Third Edition (536pp) Montreal and Kingston, Canada: McGill-Queen’s University Press (2004)
Oobayashi, Takeshi 大林高士 October 15, 1993 週刊ポスト Shūkan Post Weekly Post (Pages 212-215) 文鮮明教祖の「血分け」ルーツで 浮上した「女子大事件」 金貞玉 “Pikareum Emerged during the “Ewha Woman’s University Incident” in the Early Days of Rev. Sun Myung Moon” Kim Jeong-ok
Pak, Chung-hwa 朴正華 (with Eu Hyo-min 劉孝敏, Kim Deuk-jin 金徳振 and Eu Shin-hee 劉信姫 ) The Tragedy of the Six Marys – the real Satan is Sun Myung Moon!!
LINK to the Japanese 六マリアの悲劇―真のサタンは、文鮮明だ!!
Published by 恒友出版株式会社 (Koiyu Shuppan Publishing Co Ltd.) Constant Friend Publishing Company Limited 294 pages ISBN: 4-7652-3073-2 (1993)
Pak, Chung-hwa (with Eu Hyo-min and Kim Deuk-jin) 야록 통일교회사 (野緣 統一敎會史) An Unofficial History of the Unification Church. Korea (1996)
English information about this book
Pak, Chung-hwa 朴正華 and Nakamura, Atsuo 中村敦夫
November 13, 1993 edition 週刊現代 Shūkan Gendai, Modern Weekly
特別対論 これが血分けの実態だ!! 私が目撃した統一教会・文鮮明教祖の
「SEXリレ」のすべて。Special Discussion: Pikareum. This is the reality of it!! In the Unification Church I have witnessed all about the “SEX relays” of Sun Myung Moon
Rudin, A. James – A View of the Unification Church (1977)
Sakurai, Yoshihide 櫻井 義秀 and Nakanishi, Hiroko 中西尋子 –
統一教会 日本宣教の戦略と韓日祝福 The Unification Church – Mission strategy in Japan, and the Japan-Korea marriage ‘blessings’ Sapporo, Japan: Publisher: 北海道大学出版会 Hokkaido University Publishing Association (2010)
Samuels, Richard J., – Kishi and Corruption: An Anatomy of the 1955 System. JPRI Japan Policy Research Institute – Working Paper No. 83 (December 2001)
http://www.jpri.org/publications/workingpapers/wp83.html
How Moon bought protection in Japan
[Tahk, Myong-Hwan 卓明煥 – The Facts and the Falsehoods of the Unification Church – Comprehensive Reference – (in Korean)
統一教의 實相 과 그 虛像– 綜合的 資料編 – (Seoul, 1979).]
Tahk Myeong-Hwan (1989) – Testimony dated September 25, 1989 (English)
Yamaguchi, Hiroshi 山口 浩 – 原理運動の素顔―何をする集団なのか その不気味さの実態を衝く The Real Face of Moon Movement – What are the aims of the group? Getting a picture of the eeriness. (1975)
LINK to English extract from this book
Bibliography 2018 additions (not by Dr. Bale)
Moon’s ‘Cause’ Takes Aim At Communism in Americas
Washington Post By Joanne Omang August 28, 1983
https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1983/08/28/moons-cause-takes-aim-at-communism-in-americas/75dc776e-95ee-497b-b580-f78e8770c43b/
How Sun Myung Moon’s organization helped to establish Bolivia as South America’s first narco-state.
Suspicion Following Sun Myung Moon to Brazil
By Larry Rohter New York Times November 28, 1999
http://www.nytimes.com/1999/11/28/world/suspicion-following-sun-myung-moon-to-brazil.html
UNIFICATION CHURCH UNDER SIEGE IN BRAZIL
Rev. Moon’s massive land purchases lead to major search-and-seizure operation
May 14, 2002 at 1:00 AM
http://www.wnd.com/2002/05/13898/
RIO DE JANEIRO — Rev. Sun Myung Moon, founder of the Unification Church – which owns real estate and other assets in Brazil thought to be worth nearly $250 million – is facing a major investigation here for alleged money laundering, tax evasion and abetting illegal immigration.
World Briefing | Brazil: Sun Myung Moon Land Under Seal
May 10, 2003 New York Times
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/05/10/world/world-briefing-americas-brazil-sun-myung-moon-land-under-seal.html
Sun Myung Moon’s FFWPU accused of involvement in drugs trade in Paraguay The Irish Times October 14, 2004
www.irishtimes.com/news/moonies-accused-of-involvement-in-drugs-1.1161827
“Japan. Wow! My eyes were opened.” A huge UC scam in Japan is revealed.
BBC “Sun Myung Moon – Emperor of the Universe” Documentary
Watch the 47 minute version (this has Japanese subtitles)
Full transcript of the 60 minute version here
Sasakawa and Kodama of Japan may have had another reason for their alliance with Moon
South Korean forces killed more South Koreans than the Japanese killed in 36 years of occupation
3 Notes/ Hide
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