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On February 26, two days before Operation Epic Fury began, two requests landed on Sri Lanka’s desk. Iran asked permission for three naval vessels to make a goodwill visit between March 9 and 13. The United States asked permission for two combat aircraft armed with eight anti-ship missiles, based in Djibouti, to land at Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport between March 4 and 8. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake told Parliament on March 20 that Sri Lanka rejected both.
As a neutral nation we said no to both. That is impartiality.
On March 4, a US submarine torpedoed the Iranian frigate IRIS Dena approximately 19 nautical miles off Galle. The ship was returning to Iran from India’s MILAN 2026 naval exercise. The goodwill visit to Sri Lanka had already been denied. Sri Lanka’s Navy responded to the distress call at 05:08 local time, rescued 32 survivors, and recovered 84 bodies later repatriated to Iran aboard a chartered aircraft from Mattala Airport. A second Iranian vessel, IRIS Bushehr, was allowed into Sri Lankan waters the next day under the Hague Conventions’ humanitarian provisions. Its 219 crew were moved to a navy facility.
The landing window for the American jets opened on the same day the Iranian ship went down. No official statement connects the two events. The calendar connects them without assistance.
Dissanayake’s dual rejection was framed as strict neutrality. Sri Lanka would not permit its territory to be used for military purposes that could help or hinder either side. Had we said yes to Iran, we would have had to say yes to the US as well, he told lawmakers. The island would not become a staging ground for any belligerent.
The rejection carries weight precisely because Sri Lanka owes something to everyone it refused.
The airport where the American jets would have landed was built with a $209 million loan from China’s Export-Import Bank. Port City Colombo, the southern expressways, and much of Sri Lanka’s modern infrastructure were also Chinese-financed. Sri Lanka welcomes the investment. It does not allow Chinese military aircraft to land at Mattala either.
The hydropower project in Sri Lanka’s highlands was built by Iran’s Farab engineering company under a $514 million contract. Iran’s Export Development Bank provided $50 million before sanctions halted funding in 2013. Sri Lanka financed the remainder, keeping the Iranian contractor. Iran provided the technology. Sri Lanka rescued Iranian sailors. And Sri Lanka refused to let any belligerent use its runways.
Israel provided weapons, training, and intelligence during Sri Lanka’s civil war. Mossad assisted military intelligence. The Air Force operated Israeli Kfir jets. The Navy used Dvora patrol boats with Gabriel missiles. Israeli tourists favour Arugam Bay and the southern coast under government security arrangements. Sri Lanka protects Israeli tourists. It does not allow its territory to be used for operations against Iran.
The United States supported the IMF bailout after Sri Lanka’s 2022 sovereign default, helping secure the $2.9 billion Extended Fund Facility. US Special Envoy Sergio Gor visited Colombo March 19 to 24. No reported pressure was applied on the jet decision. Iran remains one of the largest buyers of Ceylon tea, with payments routed through Dubai. India and the UAE signed a 2025 memorandum to develop Trincomalee as an energy hub. Russian and Ukrainian tourists settled across the coast after 2022.
Sri Lanka said no to all of them becoming a base. The runway is Chinese. The technology is Iranian. The jets were Israeli. The bailout was American. The port is Indian. The neutrality is Sri Lankan.